Speeches, etc.

Margaret Thatcher

Press Conference in Tokyo

Document type: Speeches, interviews, etc.
Venue: Japan Press Centre, Tokyo
Source: Thatcher Archive: COI transcript
Editorial comments: 1500-1620.
Importance ranking: Major
Word count: 3147
Themes: Defence (general), Primary education, General Elections, Trade, Foreign policy (Asia), Foreign policy (International organizations), Foreign policy (USSR & successor states), Leadership

Chairman

Thank you for waiting, Ladies and Gentlemen, we would like to start the press conference by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. My name is Uno Kai (phon), Vice-Chairman of the Japan National Press Club.

This is the fifth visit for the Prime Minister. She first visited Japan in 1977 as head then of the Opposition Party and then as Prime Minister in 1979, 1982, 1986 and 1989. Out of these five visits to Japan she was good enough to honour us with her presence in this Club three times, 1977, 1982 and this year, and that is more than any other Head of Government and I heartily appreciate the Prime Minister for taking the time to be with us today.

Prime Minister

Mr Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen. I do not need to make a very long statement as I have set out my views extensively in two speeches and the texts of these have been made available to you. [end p1]

I would just say that I think my visit was very timely. With so many changes taking place in the world it is very important that the great democracies, and particularly the Economic Summit seven countries, should consult very closely with each other.

Some of us see each other very frequently in the framework of the European Community. It is all the more important, therefore, to take every opportunity to talk things over with the Japanese Government.

Against that background, I found my visit extremely interesting and valuable. I very much enjoyed meeting Mr Kaifu, who represents a new generation in Japanese politics, and we had excellent talks.

I have also met many former Prime Ministers with whom I have worked closely in the past as well as members of the present government.

My two most important objectives have been, first, to raise the level of our relationship so that the 1990s will be a decade of unprecedented partnership and friendship between Britain and Japan. We are well on the way towards that. And second, to discuss and try to resolve some of the problems which still remain in our trading relations and inevitably affect our wider relations. We want to see Japan just as open to British goods and British services as Britain's market is to Japan. [end p2]

I believe we have made useful progress. I have set out clearly what we believe still needs to be done to open up the Japanese economy while recognising the progress that has already been made. Of course some of these things, such as changing attitudes towards imports, will take time.

But I do not think anyone can be in doubt about the direction we want to see Japan take and we hope that progress will be rapid. Japan's great economic strength brings an added responsibility to ensure that the continued growth and prosperity of the world economy continues as a whole.

On specific trade issues I have great confidence that the question of additional seats for British firms on the Tokyo Stock Exchange will be satisfactorily resolved by next year.

With regard to whisky, I also received useful assurances on what are called “the new spirits” . And our wish to see air services further liberalised will be discussed at official talks in October.

I have also expressed our appreciation of Japanese investment in the United Kingdom. We want much more of it and think that Britain is by far the best country in the European Community in which to invest because we are the most open market and have the fewest regulations. [end p3]

Of course our talks went much wider than trade, they covered political developments in the Pacific area and in East-West relations as well as cultural matters. And I explained to Mr Kaifu our hope that Japan will find concrete ways to help restore Hong Kong's confidence following the events in China, in particular by increasing investment.

Japan's economic success is remarkable and its results very evident. I hope that both our countries will work more closely together on the great global problems such as the environment, drugs, terrorism and so on.

All in all, Mr Chairman, a visit which I found highly enjoyable, most useful and very encouraging and I should like to express my gratitude to all my Japanese hosts.

Now your questions. The Chairman is in charge of selecting, that is far too big a responsibility for me to take! [end p4]

Question

The conspicuous factors in the current world situation are the changes that are going on in the Soviet Union and in Eastern Europe as a result of the perestroika of Secretary Gorbachev.

I am sure that the Prime Minister has met Mr. Gorbachev many times and I would like to ask you your impression of the General Secretary and where those countries—the Soviet and East European—will be heading. Will the Soviet empire disintegrate or will they come into shape?

Prime Minister

Nothing like asking a major question for the first one!

Yes, I have met Mr. Gorbachev many times. He came to Britain before he was General Secretary. We invited him to come to our country. I had long talks with him of several hours. I found immediately a person quite different from any previous politicians from the Soviet Union with whom I had had discussions. He was able [end p5] to debate very easily on almost any topic and to address the fundamental issues in a very frank way and I think at the end of that I said: “This is a man with whom I could do business!” and that was taken up by the rest of the world.

Since he has been General Secretary and now President of the Soviet Union, his policies have been bold, courageous and visionary. Indeed, they are of historic proportions. To come to office in a country which has espoused communism for seventy years and to say it was not producing the results either in terms of individual liberty or in terms of economic prosperity that its people had hoped of it, is indeed both correct but nevertheless very courageous to say so.

He then set out to change those policies, first politically, in which he has been enormously successful and I think gone much further than many of us expected at the time he embarked upon them; and second, to try to change them economically.

It takes longer to change a country economically than it does politically, particularly when that economic change involves changing central control into much more in personal initiative and enterprise and that in a country which has virtually no experience of personal initiative and enterprise. Inevitably, therefore, the increasing political freedom has meant that all the criticisms have been voiced first and the economic results will take later to come. We always warned that that would be so. It is, of course, vital to get the economic results in the coming years. [end p6]

I cannot tell you precisely what will happen in the future. I can only say this:

This is the most bold and courageous leader that the Soviet Union has had while it has been under communism. What Mr. Gorbachev is attempting to do in the Soviet Union is I believe in the interests of liberty as a whole and in the interests of all other nations who believe in the cause of democracy as well. We should do, therefore, everything we can to support this great historic movement which he has set in motion and most earnestly hope and do all we can to see that it is successful.

Question (TVS Television)

I would like to have your views on education. In your television talk yesterday, we heard a piece of it and in that you mentioned that you made an educational reform in your country that includes the introduction of a new curriculum and a new test which you termed “attainment test” . You also mentioned that attainment tests will be given from the age of seven. According to the common sense in our country, that is a little bit too early, very early indeed and to give that test to a seven-year-old kid on the national level. I am afraid it would result in putting too much emphasis upon test scores and meritocracy and encourage too much competitiveness on the part of the young people. Therefore, I would like to ask your basic way of thinking—fundamental philosophy—as to the education which is exemplified in this specific event. [end p7]

Prime Minister

This is not in any way a competitive test. At the age of seven, a child should have learned to read. That is a vital part of his or her education. If they are not able to read at that stage, they will miss a lot of the next stage of education, which is conducted on the assumption that a child can read. If that is so, we really must pick up the fact that a child is backward in reading—and there are many different reasons why that must be so—and we must correct it before the child goes further, otherwise he will not be able to take advantage of the next stages and may use several years. That is what the early tests at the age of seven are for—to pick up where the child is not in fact doing the fundamentals vital to the future of education, but they are not competitive tests; they are just an assessment of how well the child is doing and if they are not, then I think we owe it to the child to pick it up at an early stage.

Mr. Togo (Washington Post)

In view of the trend of increased detente worldwide, would you think that the situation is such as to affect the US-Japan security relationship, which is based upon the US-Japan security pact and in view of the rise of the power of the Socialists and the possibility of a Socialist regime in Japan, what kind of opinion and maybe desire or request do you have to the Japanese Socialists? [end p8]

Prime Minister

I think you are asking me to interfere rather a lot between the United States and Japan relationship, which I will not do, but I will give you a general answer.

You say there is rising detente. In many ways, there is increasing cooperation and great hope. There is also a period of very great uncertainty ahead. You can see it in East-West relations in Europe and you have seen very unexpected things happen in China which we thought would never happen again.

A time of great uncertainty is no time to reduce your defences; it is a time to maintain the position which has kept and ensured our liberties and because we were prepared to uphold that position, I think the people who hold different political views from us and have not so far permitted human relations are beginning to change their politics in a very positive way and democracy itself is on the move. But you do not prevent wars by disarmament. You prevent wars by quietly being prepared and having a sure defence.

Question (Süddeutsche Zeitung, W.Germany)

Madam Prime Minister, you have encouraged the Japanese to reinforce the people of Hong Kong by investing in Hong Kong or investing more in Hong Kong because of the recent events on the mainland. In this connection, would you also express a view on whether the Japanese should resume government economic aid to the mainland? [end p9]

I am asking against the background that a parliamentary delegation has just come back and its leader, former Foreign Minister Ito, suggested that Japan was in a different position from the West European countries or the United States and therefore should help China to overcome the current situation and therefore resume its economic aid, that is the official government aid. How do you feel about this view? It is not yet decided but this was the recommendation.

Prime Minister

With regard to the first part of your question about investment in Hong Kong, what happened in China was bound to have—and did have—a very unsettling effect in Hong Kong about their future as by virtue of the lease which affects 95 percent of Hong Kong and therefore in practical terms all of it, the land reverts to China in 1997 and we have the agreement with China which we signed and all the land reverts to them in 1997 and they gave undertakings that following 1997, there would be a period of fifty years in which the present way of life in Hong Kong, with all that means both in political terms and under a rule of law and the Western way of life, would continue and that was made possible by Deng Xiaoping 's declaration of ‘one country/two systems,’ which I think is made to operate the more easily because the second system—the Western way of life in Hong Kong—affects but a small proportion of the total [end p10] territory of China. So we have an agreement very carefully negotiated with China and naturally, the people were concerned in Hong Kong about the events in Peking.

It is absolutely vital, therefore, that we should do everything we can to keep up the confidence of the people in Hong Kong and it was for that reason I was asking for Japan's help. She already invests heavily in Hong Kong and I hope she will continue to do so because the best possible hope for everyone is that the prosperity continues, is seen to continue and it is seen that the outside world continues to have confidence that the agreement that we reached with China and registered at the United Nations will in fact be upheld. That was my purpose.

You are asking me about Japan's approach to mainland China and its own decisions on government economic aid. That is a matter for the government of Japan and I cannot interfere with their decision. [end p11]

Question (London Bureau, Mainitsi Shimbun)

This is the fifth visit for you, Prime Minister, and this time you visited many locations and you had some new experiences also. Does this experience of yours during this particular visit result in some change in your views towards Japan? Secondly, do you think this visit will contribute to raising your support, your domestic support, in your own country?

Prime Minister

With regard to the last part of your question, I have already answered it before I came when someone asked me did I think it would change, I do not think it changes domestic support in any way. I think that will be fine when it comes to the next election when that is when they have to consider their whole future. [end p12]

With regard to “Does it change one's view?” , one's view is relevant to the times in which one lives and to the previous relationship which has been developing with Japan and particularly to the very successful Japanese investment in Britain and I hope that it will mean that we work even more closely together in partnership and cooperation into the 1990s.

Question (Kyoto News)

This may sound a little bit rude but I would like to ask you, in such democratic nations in the West as the United Kingdom and Japan, for the particular leaders of the parties to remain in power for a long time may have some undesirable results. It certainly may have the merit of assuring continuity but it may discourage the sound development of democracy, for example, so I would like to have your comments on this. And in that relation, I would like to ask you how much longer are you going to remain as Prime Minister?

Prime Minister

Well now, I wonder if you are directing your question at me or, for example, at Francois Mitterrand or one or two others. No, you come before an electorate and they decide between alternatives whom to choose for the future. I think they have made a very good choice in Britain for the last ten years, I hope most earnestly they will continue to do that and of course time will tell. [end p13]

Question

My question is somewhat related to the previous question. As a result of the Tiananmen Square incident, or concerning that incident, you reportedly made a rather serious comment at the Economic Summit in Paris and in response to that Deng Xiaoping, the most powerful person in China, mentioned that political order is more important than economic order, he continued to commend the achievement of former Prime Ministers, Mr. Tanaka and Mr. Ohira and added that the statement at the Summit was quite superficial. I would like your comments on that and in that connection I would like to ask you what you are going to do with China in the area of economic and personal exchange with that country?

Prime Minister

I think we have to thank television and radio and correspondents of the press for showing the world what actually happened in Tiananmen Square. Nothing that is said can alter that or the fact that the world saw it.

That being so, it was not possible suddenly to continue in the same way the relationship that we had with China, we had to take account of events which seemed to us to go contrary to the way in which things are conducted in democracy and, if I might say so, seemed to us to be of a dimension and severity that we had not expected in modern times from China because many of the people [end p14] now responsible suffered grievously under the Cultural Revolution and therefore we thought that we should not see that kind of event again.

Now I do not think that anyone in this room would really quarrel with that. And so, of course, we did not break off diplomatic relations with China and most, indeed I think all of us, continued existing contracts, because by law we have to do so and it would have been wrong to have done otherwise. But we did not agree to new loans for new contracts and I cannot precisely answer the second part of your question at the moment. We shall have to consider very carefully our next steps.

We have a special interest with China, as well as Japan, and that special interest is our responsibility for the people of Hong Kong right to 1997 and our responsibility to do everything we can to see that that Agreement, to which I referred earlier, is put into practice according to the letter of the Agreement and according to the spirit in which it was made.

It is not, therefore, a question which one can suddenly answer at a press conference except in the way which I have that it is a matter which would engage our most earnest attention, which is very serious indeed and upon which we shall have to take decision because we shall have to obviously have more active relations with China because of the matters I have mentioned in the future. [end p15]

So I hope, understanding the seriousness, you will take the answer and leave it at that. But I do once again thank you for showing to the world what actually happened and for your courage in doing so.

Question (Robin Oakley, The Times)

Prime Minister, do you share Japan's willingness to see an increase in INF quotas and do you think at the same time the structure of the INF should be changed to give a bigger vote to Japan, currently in 5th place, and a smaller vote to Britain, currently in 2nd place?

Prime Minister

The question which you raise about the order of precedence obviously will come up if and when the INF quotas are raised. The question is whether they should be raised at the moment. They will discuss it I expect at the INF. We would not necessarily think that it has to be done at present but we expect that it will come in due course.

Chairman

Thank you Prime Minister. In appreciation we would like to present you with our special gift. You already know what it is because this is your third visit, this is the third pen for you but its design is a little bit different, the design is of maple, I hope you will love it. [end p16]

Prime Minister

Thank you very much indeed, lovely, thank you. Press Clubs in Britain please note!