Mr President, you tell me it's ten years since I first addressed you from this platform as Prime Minister. I can hardly believe it, but it's true. And it's thirteen years since I first spoke at Perth as Leader of the Conservative and Unionist Party.
If anyone had predicted thirteen years ago—in 1976, the year Labour had to go to the IMF—that Scotland and Britain would enjoy the economic revival that we have seen under this Conservative Government, he would have been ridiculed as a ludicrous optimist. [end p1]
If anyone had then forecast that Scots would seize the opportunities offered by a Conservative Government, to pioneer High-tech companies, to map out silicon glen, to create a worldwide financial services industry, he would have been dismissed as a utopian dreamer.
And if anyone had then imagined that our party would win three successive General Elections—and be on the way to winning a fourth, he would have been reprimanded by Willie Whitelaw for stirring up complacency. [end p2]
But Mr President, all these things came about—because we had the right principles, the right policies, and the right people.
We still have. Some are right here in this hall. So, this being Scotland, let me give you a toast: Here's to ten more years of Conservative Government.
Mr President, congratulations on a highly successful and forward-looking Conference. [end p3] You and your colleagues—and in particular Jim Goold—have all our thanks—and we give a warm welcome to your successor, Ross Harper.
The status of a town used to be judged by the size of its kirk, or the magnificence of its distillery. Now, I understand, it's judged by whether or not it has a branch of Ross harper and Murphy! I look forward to the day when every one of his branches is represented by a Conservative MP. [end p4]
Mr President, our Scottish Conservative MPs do a marvellous job. In particular, I pay tribute to one of our longest serving Members, Sir Hector Monro. His active care and concern for his constituents in Lockerbie won the respect and admiration of the whole country.
And on your behalf, may I thank our splendid Secretary of State, Malcolm Rifkind, and his ministerial team. Theirs is a powerful voice for Scotland in the Government—and they make it heard. [end p5] But they are not the only Scottish voices by a long chalk. At defence, we have George Younger. At agriculture, John MacGregor. And our great reforming Lord Chancellor, James Mackay. And of course we all strive to live up to the high standards of Lord Home in his service to our country and to our Party. [end p6]
[THE ANNIVERSARY]
Mr President, the revolution in our fortunes to which you referred wasn't inevitable. We had to fight: — All those who said you can't beat inflation without price and wage controls. — fight all those who insisted that the country couldn't be governed without the consent of the trade union bosses. —fight all those who did everything they could through violent strikes to defy the mandate we had been given by the people, [end p7] — and fight all those who said it can't be done. Well, we did it. And we did it well.
But this anniversary is not just for us conservatives. it's: —For everyone in public life who has seen authority restored to Government and Parliament. —For those in business who have transformed our industrial performance and reputation. — For families who never before had capital—but who now have something to pass on to their children. —And for all of us who've benefited from higher standards of living and better social services. [end p8]
We've proved that enterprise works and socialism doesn't. The marxists thought they would bury us. Instead, they are trying to bury Marxism and copy us. Ten years ago, the pundits could only talk of Britain's irreversible decline. Today, our new-found economic strength has won respect for Britain throughout the world.
Mr President, if Julius Caesar were to land on our shores today, he would have no hesitation in saying “I came, I saw, I invested” . [end p9]
[CONSERVATIVE PRINCIPLES]
All this happened because we have kept faith with five great principles which guide Conservative Governments.
First, we believe that the role of Government should be limited. That its main purpose is to do for individuals and families what they can't do for themselves. The State should take away in tax only what is required to finance the essential duties of Government. So we have cut income tax and restored to the people the right to spend more of their own money as they choose. [end p10]
Second, freedom depends upon the rule of Law. No one—Union, Business, Politician or Government is above the Law. But that means Police and Courts must have the authority to administer justice and uphold the peace. We've strengthened that authority with greater resources, and stiffer sentences. [end p11]
Third principle, the family and family life represent and sustain all that is best in our country. That's why: —We encourage families to be independent through home ownership, share ownership, higher savings and better pensions. —Why we do all we can to limit the violence children face in the street and—let me say—on television. —And why we give most help to poorer families with children—and to older pensioners who raised their families when times were harder. [end p12]
Fourth principle we keep faith with our allies. We don't play fast and loose with our NATO partners. We stand by the agreements we've made. And we understand the vital importance of keeping the United States and Europe together. [end p13]
Fifth, we're the Party of the United Kingdom. We believe in our country's historic greatness, in its destiny and in its unity. We will resist threats to the Union—from wherever they come and however disguised.
We've achieved success because we held fast to these principles. [end p14]
[Economy]
Mr. President, it's not easy to create prosperity, but it's all too easy to destroy it. Every Labour Government has managed that. You see, they stuck to their principles. For two things are guaranteed to destroy prosperity: one is socialism. The Other's inflation. What's more, if you buy the first, you get the second thrown in.
We must never give up fighting inflation. Yes, at the moment, it's too high—not of course by Socialist standards, but it is by ours. [end p15]
That's why we have had to put up interest rates. I don't like high interest rates any more than you do. But the effects of inflation would be much more damaging—and they'd last much longer. That's why bringing down inflation is and will remain this Government's top priority. [end p16]
Mr President, I look around Scotland and I see a land that is buoyant and confident. I see a Glasgow—with a new vibrancy and growth. I see fine old buildings cleaned and restored. A skyline of new buildings housing new enterprise. Last year the Garden Festival City. Next year the European City of Culture.
And the same go-ahead confidence can be found in Aberdeen and Ayr; in Dumbarton and Dundee; in the capital city of Edinburgh, and right here in Perth—both burgeoning centres of insurance and finance. [end p17]
Scotland is a major player in Britain's economic success. Indeed, in many respects she leads the way.
Just look at manufacturing. British output has been growing fast. But Scotland's has been growing faster. Britain's productivity has grown faster than that of America or Europe. But Scotland's has grown faster still. And to cap it all, Scottish exports per head are higher than Germany's, higher even than Japan's. That's a record worth shouting from the rooftops. And the announcement we made this week about business rates—a common rate poundage throughout Britain—has been widely welcomed. [end p18]
And it's not just Scottish industry that's succeeded. Scottish farmers too have every right to be proud of the place they've won in world markets.
The world over, people who appreciate Scotland's beauty, also prize its produce. When they speak of quality meat, it's Scottish beef they refer to. When they speak of fine fish, it's Scottish salmon they have in mind. And when they talk of whisky, whose whisky are they talking about? Not Japan's! [end p19]
John MacGregor has just negotiated in Europe a deal for our farmers that's worth 150 million pounds to them. We will continue to fight for their interests, in Brussels. For farming is more than an industry, it is a sturdy independent way of life which upholds the values we believe in—and so is fishing.
As our fishermen face the problem of earning a living from depleted fishing grounds, they can be sure that we will battle in Brussels for them too. [end p20]
And not only in Brussels. It's good to learn that the fishing industry in Aberdeen has given a united welcome to the Government's decision to abolish the Dock Labour Scheme. Not that that's surprising. For in the last two decades, Aberdeen had lost much of its business to non-scheme ports.
That kind of damage is why the dock Labour scheme has to go. And—to give Scottish fishing a fair chance—go it will. [end p21]
[EDUCATION]
Mr President, we know that a country must either adapt or decline. Adapt to the new industries—they're science-based. To the new commerce—it's global. To the new prosperity—where consumers demand higher quality, greater choice.
We must prepare today for the testing world of tomorrow. [end p22]
We know this instinctively. And parents especially want the assurance that their children will be as well educated and trained for this new world as the children of Germany and Japan.
And to secure that better education, there's nothing like a determined parent.
That's why we're giving parents the chance to become more involved. [end p23]
Eight years ago, we gave Scottish parents a right to choose their children's school. Our opponents said this was a choice parents didn't want to make.
Well, thousands and thousands of parents have made it.
Eighteen months ago, Labour-Controlled Strathclyde wanted to close an excellent and popular school—Paisley Grammar. Paisley parents fought against them. We responded. And today, Paisley Grammar is open and thriving. [end p24]
Last year, we legislated to establish school boards on which parents will have the majority say. And this year under our new bill, parents will be able to apply for their school to become self-governing. Independent of the local authority, but paid for by the taxpayer.
There is a common thread running through all these education reforms. It is to give the greatest say to the people who have the greatest interest in the children's future—the parents themselves. [end p25]
Excellence has always been part of the Scottish tradition. And when it comes to the Glasgow Vet School, I'm with Malcolm RifkindMalcolm—I support it all the way. In a competitive world, Scottish children deserve to be given the very best education and the very best training. It's not enough to be just good enough. The Scots need to shine—to be way out in front. And under Conservative Government, they will have the freedom and opportunity to do just that. [end p26]
[OPPOSITION]
Of course, the Labour opposition also claim to be friends of freedom. But the freedom Labour has always believed in is freedom for them to decide for the rest of us what they're afraid to let us decide for ourselves.
Allow parents to pick and choose the schools their children go to? Perish the thought, they say. Encourage tenants to buy the home they live in? What, Labour? You must be joking. [end p27] Enable employees to own shares in the companies they work in? Whatever next, they cry.
But now, all of a sudden they say: “Oh no! That's how it was back in the mists of 1979, and 1983, and 1987. But we've changed all that,” “Haven't you heard? There's a brand new, shiny Labour Party, with brand new, shiny policies and brand new beaming smiles. Surely you've read about it in the press?”
“And you must have seen our nice Red Rose on television? [end p28] And you know, even that's not really red, if you get up close. More of a reassuring pink,”
“And, by the way, instead of keeping the Red Flag Flying Here, We're—well, we're not exactly dropping it, we've just sort of popped it in the cupboard—for the duration.”
Then they say, “we've got a brand new ‘Pop’ anthem: “Meet the Challenge, Make the Change” . Not much of a tune, not much of a lyric either, but ever so bouncy. One chorus—and before you can say “Card Vote” , you find you've passed a whole new Policy Review.” [end p29]
Mr President,—never fear. We'll meet the challenge. As for making the change—make no mistake. The designer Socialists may change the packaging, but they still have the same old designs on Britain's future.
That's why we must do all we can to see that never again do they have the chance to put those designs into practice. [end p30]
[HEALTH]
Mr President, you spoke about what we done for the Health Service. Recently 95 per cent of Scots said they were satisfied with the treatment they received from the National Health Service. I'm not surprised. It is a good service and we've made it better.
I've said before—and Labour doesn't like it. So I'll say it again: — For every pound that Labour spent, we're spending three on the National Health Service — For all the doctors and dentists employed by Labour, we've employed 14,000 more in the National Health Service. [end p31] — For all the Nurses employed by Labour, we've employed 70,000 more in the National Health Service. And whereas Labour cut their pay by almost twenty per cent we've increased it by almost fifty per cent—and that's over and above inflation.
We Conservatives back the Health Service all the way. And we're proud of it. But as our White Paper says “The National Health Service will continue to be available to all, regardless of income and to be financed mainly out of general taxation” . [end p32]
But there's always room for improvement.
Under our proposals: — Patients faced with Lengthy waiting lists will be able to get faster treatment because their doctor can send them to hospitals where waiting lists are shorter. — Patients instead of waiting around in Out-Patients department should be given appointment times on which they can rely. — Patients not quite satisfied with the service they get from one G.P. will find it easier to change to another. [end p33]
And the new contract which Malcolm Rifkind and Kenneth Clarke have negotiated with the Family Doctors will mean that the highest rewards will go to those doctors who do most work and who introduce preventive medicine and other treatments.
This new contract is good for doctors, good for the patients and good for the Health Service, and I warmly welcome it.
But Mr President, a whole mass of mis-information much of it politically inspired, has been put about concerning our Health Service reforms. This must be set straight. [end p34]
Under our reforms, no hospital will be privatised. And those major hospitals which choose—I repeat, choose—to become selfgoverning, will stay within the Health Service. And they will be run, not by some distant committee, but by those closest to the patient, who can make decisions quickly.
under our reforms: — no doctor will run out of money for prescribing the drugs his patient needs, — And no doctor will be prevented from referring his patient to the specialist he thinks best. [end p35] What's more, under our reforms, Family Doctors will have the choice-choice-of running their own budget. They don't have to, but they can if they wish. And if they do, they'll have more opportunity, not less, to obtain for their patients the treatment they want at the hospital they want at the time they want it.
We need no lessons on practical care from the Labour Party. We have a record they've never been able to match. A record of which we can all be proud. And if anyone tries to tell you different, Well, you just tell him to go and have a nice lie down. [end p36]
[EUROPE]
Mr President, in just over four weeks we have the European elections. So there are just four weeks in which to get the Conservative message across. Four weeks in which to make sure that Conservatives continue to have the strongest voice in Europe. And a majority in the Parliament.
For the past five years Jimmy Provan and Alastair Hutton have carried the flag for us in Europe and they have done it magnificently. We need every one of our supporters in Scotland to work really hard for a Conservative victory in these elections. [end p37]
When it comes to Labour half of them don't want us to be in Europe at all: and the other half want to turn Europe into a Socialist Utopia that mercifully we have been spared in Britain. It's characteristic of the Labour Leadership that they were first in one camp, and now they're in the other.
They're all for devolving power—to Brussels. If they can't get Socialism in by the front door — and they can't—they'll get it in by the back door— if they can. That's why we've got to win. [end p38]
Labour will fight the European Election on a platform of more bureaucracy, more regulations, more control, more burdens on business—more of everything that dragged down Scotland under Labour's disastrous rule. [end p39]
We Conservatives will be campaigning for the kind of Europe that will keep Scotland prosperous. —For more jobs coming through the coming [sic] Single European Market. A market which Scotland's industry will be well placed to win. —For more opportunity for Scotland's great financial institutions, as foreign exchange controls are removed throughout the Community. — For a Europe open to the world, matching Scotland's great outward-looking traditions. [end p40]
Mr President, our policies have created the conditions in which Scotland's industry and commerce have grown stronger than ever.
I believe that they will succeed in a Europe of free markets, fair competition and wider choice. [end p41]
Mr President, as conservatives we are good Europeans, we joined the Community in good faith. And we shall work within the Community—let there be no mistake about that—within the community for our kind of Europe: not a Socialist super-state in Brussels which submerges our identity and snuffs out our sovereignty, but a free Europe, A Europe whose many different states have room to breathe. [end p42]
[DEFENCE]
Mr President, here in Scotland people know how vitally important it is that our country should be well and truly defended. That's the tradition of Scotland, home of the great Scottish regiments and now of our nuclear deterrent.
I wonder how those regiments reacted the other day when Labour's new Defence Policy document finally surfaced. Just listen to some of the things it says:
First, “The Defence Budget can't and must not be increased” . [end p43]
No question about the needs of our Defence, no question of what is required to ensure that our forces have the best equipment.
No, it's cut defence and damn the consequences.
Second, Labour says, they “firmly support the elimination of all nuclear weapons by the year 2000” .
“Then how would you defend Britain and NATO?” we ask. Two world wars this century have taught us that conventional weapons alone do not deter. It's not a nuclear-free Europe we want, It's a war-free Europe—and it is the nuclear weapon which has kept the peace through forty years of NATO. [end p44] And third, says Labour, they “will stringently limit the scope and scale of arms sales by Britain” says Labour.
Well, that should be stirring news for the tens of thousands of skilled people employed by our defence industries.
Their superb record of craftsmanship and quality have made Britain a major force in world markets. What would happen to their jobs under Labour?
You may think all this is bad enough. But it gets even worse when they try to explain it. [end p45]
Asked if the Neil KinnockLabour Leader would “Press the Nuclear Button” , his Roy HattersleyDeputy bobbed and weaved and declined to give a direct answer. Finally he came up with one: “That's a Hypothetical question” .
And what did the Shadow Trade and Industry spokesman have to say about the new policy? He really gave the game away. “Let's make it perfectly clear” , he said. “We have no intention of keeping a nuclear deterrent for use or to deter … It's a question of how we can remove it, how we get rid of it that's the issue” . [end p46]
Yes, but unilaterally or multi-laterally?
This produced the following gem. “As a matter of logic, it is not for us to decide whether our position is unilateralist or not. Others can determine that” .
All right. Since they ask us—well tell them. They've got a unilateralist policy but for electoral reasons you don't want to say so.
Mr President, this isn't a Defence Policy to see Britain to the 21st century and beyond. It's a form of words to see the Labour Party through the next General Election. [end p47]
Was it for this that Labour sent delegations to Moscow and Washington and half the way round the world in European [sic] capitals?
To say that we have a deterrent, but not to deter? That we should keep it in order to get rid of it?
If this shoddy document won't deter our enemies, Mr President, it should deter every responsible voter in the land who believes that Britain should be defended. [end p48]
It's weakness which causes wars, Weakness which tempts an aggressor—and it's weakness which characterises Labour's mishmash of muddle and evasion.
In the words of Macbeth: “Confusion now hath made his masterpiece” . [end p49]
[THE UNION—CONCLUSION]
Mr President, the greatest things achieved by our country have been achieved by a united people.
It was as Great Britain that we powered the industrial revolution. It was as Great Britain that we built up a great empire. It was as a United Kingdom that we fought and defeated tyrannies in two world wars. And it was as a part of the United Kingdom Armed Forces that the Scots Guards fought and won at Tumbledown Mountain, in the Falklands. [end p50]
Then just at the very moment when Scotland is reaping the reward of ten years of Conservative Government, our multifarious political opponents are seeking to tear the kingdom apart.
The other parties prefer division to unity, conflict to co-operation, bitterness to harmony. The Nationalists want separation. The Socialists want devolution, which is separation by degrees. That is not our way. [end p51]
When we talk of the United Kingdom, we are not talking of some flimsy or recent creation.
We are talking of a great and ancient citadel within whose walls the people of these islands have sheltered for almost four centuries. Within whose walls liberty, justice and human progress have flourished in a manner unsurpassed in the world. [end p52]
This great and long-standing Union is not one to be cast aside but one to be cherished, strengthened and maintained. And today only the Conservative and Unionist Party can be entrusted with the task. [end p53]
Only a Conservative Government can be entrusted with the task of making Britain more united, more prosperous, and more secure.