Speeches, etc.

Margaret Thatcher

Joint Press Conference with West German Chancellor (Helmut Kohl)

Document type: Speeches, interviews, etc.
Venue: City Hall, Frankfurt
Source: Thatcher Archive: COI transcript
Editorial comments: 1200-1245.
Importance ranking: Major
Word count: 4678
Themes: Defence (general), Defence (arms control), European Union (general), Economic, monetary & political union, European Union Single Market, Foreign policy (Middle East), Foreign policy (USSR & successor states), Foreign policy (Western Europe - non-EU), Media, Race, immigration, nationality

Chancellor Kohl

Prime Minister, Ladies and Gentlemen, I should like once again Prime Minister to welcome you publicly here in our country in somewhat unaccustomed surroundings. It is the City Parliament of Frankfurt and I should like at the beginning to avail myself of the opportunity to thank The Lord Mayor and all his staff and all the citizens of this city, to thank them for their friendly and impressive hospitality that we have received here.

I think it is a very good tradition that we have set up here. These consultations should not take place only in the capital cities but we should move into other areas, other parts of our countries, which will facilitate the possibilities of getting to know one another. [end p1]

Over the past years in the discussion of the relations between the United Kingdom and the Federal Republic of Germany a term has been used which is called “the silent Alliance” and our two days of consultations and very intensive discussions which also the Ministers and the Prime Minister and myself have conducted have shown that this is an understatement.

The relations between our two countries are exceptionally close and based on confidence. They have become a matter of such self-evidence on the basis of confidence that unfortunately many people take this as read although it is really a very great treasure of experience that it has become for us and Prime Minister I should like to stress once again how closely and what great friendship the two of us have been cooperating over the past years and I think that will be the same in the future.

Great Britain is an important friend and partner to us in the Federal Republic of Germany. We cooperate closely in the Atlantic Community, in the European Community, in Western European Union and I gladly avail myself of this opportunity once again to thank the British soldiers and their families who do their service here in the Federal Republic of Germany to serve the peace and freedom in our country as well. [end p2]

Here in Frankfurt in particular I would like to stress again how important it is that Great Britain is one of the guaranteeing powers in Berlin and carries out its role and task there. With our British friends we feel united in common ideals and also in the common fate of the Western community.

We have over these past hours had a very frank and very intensive exchange of views, we have noted very far-reaching agreement but as reports of the Ministers have once again shown us, in one or two [illegible word] there may be differences of opinion. But it is very important now that we should make use of the time for the great European market, they have only got another forty-six months until 31 December 1992, a great deal needs to be done together yet. The British Government and the Federal Government are tackling this task on the basis of our basic political conviction that this market must be open to the world and open to competition, that we have no idea of any fortress of Europe, the European Community must be open to competition.

We have also discussed the developments between East and West and the questions of disarmament and detente. This year we celebrate the 40th anniversary of NATO. It has assured peace with freedom for the last forty years. A strong and united NATO will remain just as vital in future for this. [end p3]

Political solidarity and military strength provide the basis for dialogue, for East-West cooperation and for arms control. Within these common goals we reaffirm the declaration of the NATO Summit of 3 March 1988 by the Heads of Government of NATO in Brussels. There “We joined together in confirming that our statute of deterrence depends upon an appropriate mix of effective nuclear and conventional forces which will be kept up-to-date as necessary” .

We welcome, both of us, the forthcoming NATO Summit at the end of May in Brussels. We will do everything together we can to make this a success for the Alliance and for us all. We have therefore agreed to work closely together to prepare the Summit and I have invited the Prime Minister, and she has accepted this invitation, in the course of April, probably towards the end of April, to have a personal talk at my home town. I am grateful to Prime Minister Thatcher for having noted this date in her diary. We shall then have an opportunity to prepare this NATO Summit very intensively.

Of course, Ladies and Gentlemen, we have also talked about other subjects, we mentioned East-West relations and I should like to point out that our talks covered developments in the Middle East, in South Africa, international discussion about environmental protection and I just want to mention the word rainforest. The Foreign Ministers, the Minister of the Interior, of Defence and Agriculture, they went through the whole gamut of topical issues. [end p4]

Prime Minister

Chancellor Kohl, if I might follow briefly, may I join you very warmly in thanking the Lord Mayor of Frankfurt for his thoughtfulness, kindness, and most generous hospitality and for the participation of the citizens of Frankfurt. I think it brought home to everyone the importance of these bilateral summits for the citizens of all countries in the European Economic Community and also of NATO and I would like to thank him particularly for the marvellous concert which we heard last night and for the reception afterwards.

Secondly, may I say that we hope to be in a position to return this summit with one in our own country next year. It will be the 40th anniversary of Königswinter so we will hope to celebrate that in a similar way to the arrangements we have had here.

Thirdly, Chancellor Kohl and I and indeed the Federal Republic of Germany and Great Britain share very similar views on the main political philosophies. We both believe in a strong and sure defence as a deterrent. We both believe in the philosophy of economic liberty as producing both a better standard of living and also the resources for a higher standard of social services.

That spills over into our beliefs about the European Economic Community for the task of the Community is not to have too many detailed regulations but to have just a broad framework and a successful competitive framework within which everyone can compete for business and we believe that a Single Market should be fashioned in that way. [end p5]

We both believe that a Single Market in fact would be a very great achievement.

Now of course we have discussed the many things which the Chancellor indicated to you in foreign fields: East-West, Middle East, South Africa, and we are very grateful to the Foreign Ministers of the Community for their strong stand which they took on Iran yesterday.

May I just, for the purposes of the British press, read out our agreement about the NATO position? I think it might be for your convenience if I read it out in English:

“This year we celebrate the 40th anniversary of NATO. It has assured peace with freedom for the last forty years, a strong and united NATO will remain just as vital in future. Political solidarity and military strength provide the basis for dialogue for East-West cooperation and for arms control. Within these common goals, we reaffirm the declaration of the NATO Summit of 3 March 1988 in Brussels. There we joined together in confirming that our strategy of deterrence depends upon an appropriate mix of effective nuclear and conventional forces which will be kept up-to-date where necessary.
[end p6]
We welcome the forthcoming NATO Summit at the end of May in Brussels. We will do everything we can to make this a success for the Alliance and for us all. We have therefore agreed to work closely together to prepare the Summit and to meet again at the end of April for a talk.”
and Chancellor Kohl has invited me to his home town for that, that talk will take place in advance for the NATO Summit.

Of course we discussed other things such as agriculture, such as trade relations, such as the importance of keeping down terrorism and crime and drugs and therefore the need to keep some border controls for that.

But I think perhaps it would be best now if we opened the whole press conference and took your questions and perhaps we can satisfy you. But on the whole, this has been undoubtedly a Summit in which we have found an enormous measure of agreement, great friendship, great firmness and great similarity of approach to the great problems which confront us. [end p7]

Terry Marsh

Prime Minister, on the so-called “modernisation question” of the Lance missiles, do you now understand and accept that the West Germans have a slightly different position to you on this and if there is not a firm commitment to going ahead with the replacement of Lance in the May Summit, what implications do you think that would have for the plans to reduce the stocks of short-range missiles in Europe, which the West German Government thinks is a particular danger to Germany?

Prime Minister

I have read out the agreed position as we reaffirm the communique of the last NATO Summit from which I quoted that we must have a mix of conventional and nuclear weapons and they must be kept up-to-date where necessary. We reaffirm that.

We shall meet again before the next NATO Summit with the objective of making it a success and I do not think we can go further than that at present. [end p8]

Terry Marsh

You do not want to answer the question?

Prime Minister

I had answered the question in what I had said: that we reaffirmed the communique of the last NATO Summit, that we would be meeting again before the next NATO Summit. That we had fully agreed and I had hoped that I had made it very clear in the quite precise communique that I read out.

Question

Can I ask whether the two of you, between yourselves, discussed the Iran affair? If so, what you said and what further action you think it might be necessary to take against the Ayatollah KhomeiniAyatollah's regime?

Prime Minister

Foreign Ministers obviously discussed yesterday at length the Iran affair and came to a very firm conclusion and I think it does show the value of belonging to a European Community where Foreign Ministers join together in tackling this because it affects us all. It is fundamental freedom of speech and as you know, they agreed to withdraw their Heads of Mission for consultation and to stop any [end p9] further high-level visits for the time being. We have only five people in Tehran at the moment and we shall be withdrawing all of those.

That, I think, was very clear, decisive action taken together in something which affects us all.

Question (BBC “Panorama” )

Does Mrs. Thatcher think that the triple-zero proposal and the prospects for denuclearisation in West Germany accords with the peaceful spirit of the times?

Prime Minister

We are both against a third nuclear zero, so that is quite clear.

Question (Same Man)

Is that the position, Chancellor Kohl?

Chancellor Kohl

I have said it so often that I do not need to repeat it. [end p10]

Question (Same Man)

Do you accept that there is great concern, especially in America, about the position that the West German Government is understood to take on this, in particular the position that your own Foreign Minister, Hans-Dietrich Genscher, is believed to take?

Chancellor Kohl

I cannot agree with it and the Federal Government does not need any instructions or private lessons in the case under question of its willingness to defend itself.

The Federal Government that I have led since 1983 … which Mr. Schmidt, my predecessor, agreed to the stationing at the time and his government came to grief over this and I have enforced it.

Because of bad demographic developments in our country, we have extended the military service before the last elections.

Now there have been some not very important district changes. We had a big discussion of this in the month of January to see whether we could not suspend extended military service for about fifteen or eighteen months and once again I have made our willingness to defend ourselves very clear by sticking to the eighteen-months' decision. That was a joint decision of the Federal Government. It also concerns Mr. Genscher. I do not think it is fair that in this way attempts are made to personalise political affairs and to put a negative imprint on them. [end p11]

Question

After my colleague, Mr. Marsh, I would like to try again to both leaders.

Could you envisage a NATO declaration in May offering negotiations on short-range nuclear weapons with Mr. Gorbachev on the one hand along with a binding commitment to deploy a minimum number of successors to Lance in the mid-1990s and if not, why not?

Chancellor Kohl

This is an attempt in another way to reach a different result but accept what we have said—and what we have said, we have said.

We will have the necessary talks and the two of us will do everything to ensure that the next NATO Summit also will be a great success and there is every hope that it will be so.

Prime Minister

If you ask the same question, you will get the same answer (laughter).

Chancellor Kohl

Perhaps I should also point out to you that you will also receive the text of this joint declaration in writing later on. [end p12]

Question

Prime Minister, Federal Chancellor, to what extent did you discuss the difference on European monetary policy here? To what extent do you insist sterling not in EMS and to what extent do you want the Federal Government to continue towards a Central Bank?

Chancellor Kohl

I do not think that the programme of the EEC Summit in Madrid will take the form that you have sketched. You know that there are differences in this field—I said this in my introductory remarks—and that is why we have consultations. The purpose of them is that we go on talking to one another and learn the other man's opinion and we have discussed these matters.

The last part of your question about European currency, a European Central Bank: we are waiting and seeing what the report of the Commission of Bank Governors under the presidency of M. DeLors says. When we have this report, we will look at it in peace and quiet. It will certainly be an important part of our agenda for this year, perhaps not so much at the Summit in Madrid but more in Paris at the end of the year.

Today, we have talked about these matters at the margin really only, because the report is not in existence yet. [end p13]

Question

Prime Minister, you said that you would like to keep some border controls, particularly with terrorism in mind. Can you say what sort of border controls you would like to keep and can I ask the Chancellor whether he agrees with that?

Prime Minister

When we had the European Single Act, you will remember that as part of that there was printed alongside it in the same document the Political Declaration by the Governments of the member states on the free movement of persons and it was: “In order to promote the free movement of persons member states should cooperate without prejudice to the powers of the Community, in particular as regards the entry, movement and residence of nationals of third countries; they shall cooperate in the combatting of terrorism, crime and traffic in drugs and illicit trading in works of art and antiques.”

That was put in because we were very concerned that any freer movement should not make the task of the police more difficult.

It is quite true that we have still to work out the precise application of that Declaration which we all agreed, but each and every one—I remember it well—in Luxembourg were quite determined that we should not undermine the police in their work against catching those who peddle drugs, against criminals, against terrorism and therefore quite clearly to me, it means some kind of control of some sort. [end p14]

Chancellor Kohl

We have jointly in the Community undertaken or committed ourselves to a Europe of the Citizens. That is an important aim if this EEC Europe is to come to something and we have also—and the Prime Minister has just mentioned the document—committed ourselves to take corresponding action and what we must do now is to find a proper balance between the opening of the frontiers with a view to the Europe of the Citizens, open frontiers on the one hand, and the compelling needs on the otherhand of fighting against crime.

It has just been said it is a question of terrorism, it is a question of drug trading, drug dealing, and I have already said at Rhodes at the EEC Summit the increase of international gangster criminality which is a new feature in the internal security of our countries, is a new form of gangster criminality which has to be combatted and I am quite sure it will be possible.

We will find ways and means in reasonable discussions in which we take both components into consideration, that is to say, Europe of the Citizens, open the frontiers, on the one hand and fighting criminality on the other. [end p15]

Prime Minister

Could I just add one thing to that?

In a way, it is easier for us. Our external borders are also our internal borders, except with the Republic of Ireland, and most countries in Europe will have their main controls at both borders and airports. Now obviously for us the situation is easier to control for a very different geographical reason. [end p16]

Question

Chancellor, I should like to return to the short-range again and the overall concept. Publicly, before the Summit, you said on the one hand that you want to have a mandate for negotiations in this field as well and that you have not yet had a positive reaction from all NATO countries and on the other hand you said that the actual decision could wait until the early 1990s. Have you found comprehension for this attitude in the talks with the British?

Chancellor Kohl

I have said to you that we have talked about this matter and others. A lot more conversation will be necessary with other friends and partners, particularly the Americans, and that was agreed when Mr Baker came to see me a few days ago, and we have already told you about our concrete objectives, the Prime Minister [end p17] and I will meet, our staffs will talk, and then we will have public comments to make. The nature of the talks, it is then at the end of the talks you announce the results of what you have talked about, this is what we do in private life and in public life it is the same.

There is not much point in putting the same questions to us again and again. As the Prime Minister has rightly said, the same questions will again and again receive the same answers.

Question

Prime Minister, was Karl Otto Pöhl better able to convince you than Mr Lawson that we should become full members of the European Monetary System and if your reply was that the time is not yet right, what is it about the present time which makes it not right?

Prime Minister

First, we had some very good discussions at the Bundesbank yesterday, with Otto Pöhl among others, that followed a most excellent speech which he had made pointing out the true meaning of my Bruges speech and applauding it very warmly indeed. I hope that speech received wide publicity. [end p18]

The reasons for us not joining so far, I do not need to go into it, you know them well, the position has not changed and of course we await, as Chancellor Kohl said, the report of the Delors Committee on Monetary Policy. I hope it will do two things, among others: first, define very clearly what is meant by monetary union because I think people do not quite hold the same views as to what is meant; and secondly set out with stark clarity precisely what it would mean in terms of yielding national sovereignty to some other group of people, precisely what powers would have to be yielded and what the effect would be on things like structural reform in different countries, things like yielding up power on interest rates, things like variable prices and incomes, put it out in such clarity, far clearer than has ever yet been defined. It will be much easier then to make a decision.

Question

But Prime Minister, is it not also a strong political argument, quite apart from the technical argument, that as a full member of the European Monetary System and the Exchange Rate Mechanism we would have a greater control over how this system developed than by continuing to stay outside it, irrespective of the other points you have mentioned? [end p19]

Prime Minister

You could in fact argue that or you could argue the other thing that so far it has suited us very much better to be outside. May I put this very obvious point to you? The actual daily trade in sterling going through Europe exceeds the daily trade in any other currency. The daily trade going through the London foreign exchanges exceeds that even going through Frankfurt. It is a totally different currency from any other than that in the European Monetary System, save that of the Deutschmark.

Secondly, we in fact have done very well I think by being outside it for the present time. There is not the slightest shadow of doubt it would change things enormously for us to be in and it would change things enormously for the European Monetary System to be in the Exchange Rate Mechanism. We are in the EMS itself, that is to say that some of our reserves of course are also allocated to the EMS in accordance with the agreement. We are not in fact in the Exchange Rate Mechanism and the position with regard to that has not altered.

Question

Prime Minister, could I ask about your personal view on the modernisation of short-range missiles because that …? [end p20]

Prime Minister

No, Mr Reiss you may not. I am here as Prime Minister. I am accustomed to trying to be trapped into giving personal views. Your question will not succeed. Now would you like to ask a different one?

Question (Mr Reiss, Standard)

Yes I will if I may.

Prime Minister

Good, what is it? Or is it the same one put another way?

Question

Yes.

Prime Minister

Yes, I thought so, right.

Question

This has been an often stated view and I wondered if it had changed that was all?

Prime Minister

Constancy is a very good factor, constancy and consistency in politics are very strong, very rare, alas all too rare, they are very successful. [end p21]

Question

Prime Minister, this is the first Anglo-German Summit in nearly three years, a time which has seen three or four Anglo-French Summits. There is a perception abroad, which doubtless you will say is wrong but nevertheless which suggests that relations have not been all that they might have been over the last three years because of the modernisation issue. Is the fact that you are now to visit the Kohls at their home and you are to hold another summit next year, is that down to a softening in your own position or perhaps a more pragmatic approach?

Prime Minister

Miracles do not happen you know, and I am not sure one would want that sort of miracle. I think that what Britain has gained is constancy, consistency, a loyal ally, believing in a strong defence, believing in both the politics and economics of liberty. No, those things will not change, nor should they. It would be greatly to Britain's disadvantage if they did.

Question (Paul Reynolds, BBC)

Prime Minister, on Tehran, is the response of the British Government and the European Community adequate to this very personal threat issued by the Ayatollah KhomeiniAyatollah's and what is your gut feeling about such a threat made towards a British citizen? [end p22]

Prime Minister

I have indicated with regard to the latter part of the question that freedom of speech and expression is a fundamental part of a free society. If I might say so also the internal affairs in one country by the United Nations Charter, are the internal affairs here and should not be interfered with from outside.

But the real thing is that freedom of expression, within our law, is a fundamental part of a free society. I think there was a very decisive response both from Britain and from the European Community yesterday. It indicated two things: the fact that although we have recently just restored direct contacts between ourselves and Iran in Tehran, we are now withdrawing all of our people in Tehran and it indicated too the value, very practical value, of belonging to the European Community when the twelve of us take action together. And I think it was very decisive and I am sure will be very effective.

Question

… European internal market and the social dimension, did you talk about that with a view to a further European declaration and the social element of that, and has in this context the Prime Minister explained to the Federal Chancellor why she would consider this to be a return to socialism and therefore rejects it? [end p23]

Chancellor Kohl

This was not a central issue in our talks today and I do not think that the question of the social dimension would ever become such a point of dispute within the Community, I do not think it ever will.

We have intensive discussion on this subject in the Federal Republic and you all know that in the foreseeable future it is certain that at the EEC level there will not be a uniform arrangement but that the individual regulations, the individual arrangements in each country will retain all their importance.

Question

Some people say that this country is suffering from “Gorbiemania” and is being too soft on the Russians. Do you think that is true and does it worry you?

Prime Minister

Neither Chancellor Kohl nor I suffer from that. We both in fact have done everything possible to indicate that we support the reforms that Mr Gorbachev is trying to bring about in the Soviet Union. Any further reaching out towards liberty we believe is in the interests of the people of the Soviet Union and also in the interests of the people of the world. [end p24]

We hope very much they will succeed but we judge not merely by words, boldness and courage, very important as they are, we can only judge by results. A time of great change is a time of great uncertainty, not only for the people in the Soviet Union and in the satellite countries, but elsewhere as well.

You and I know full well that in the modern world the time to design and to bring into production and deployment new weapons is a very long period, ten years, possibly even longer, and if any of us were to make the wrong decision now we could jeopardise the security of future generations up to the end of the century.

That is why we both believe in a firm and sure defence and we believe it is absolutely vital and will continue to be vital for the security of Europe. And it is that, the knowledge that we will ensure there is a firm and sure defence, which enables us to readily and so easily to welcome what is going on in the Soviet Union knowing that if by any terrible chance it did not come about, the future of freedom and justice is still assured this side of the border, is this side of the frontier across Europe.

Question

What agreements did you make on the F90 fighter problem in the joint consultations? [end p25]

German Minister of Defence

This subject was not discussed.

Question

Prime Minister, there have been some worries that the project for the European fighter aircraft could be held up because of these problems over the radar. Do you think that the four countries will be able to pull through?

Prime Minister

We embarked upon the European fighter aircraft believing it was vital for the four of us to cooperate, we would have preferred also the cooperation of France had she chosen to come in, and we believe it is possible to get through. We know that there is a great deal of research and development to be done but of course we have to do it and right now I do not think we see any alternative to that European fighter aircraft so we shall strain to get through.