Prime Minister
Ladies and Gentlemen, I'm a little bit late and I apologise for keeping you waiting. I'm now virtually at the end of a fascinating tour which has taken me, apart from the Gulf, to Singapore, Australia, briefly to Malaysia and finally to Thailand. It's therefore perhaps the time for me to try to sum up my impressions of a most valuable nine days around this region.
As you know, I'm the first British Prime Minister to visit Thailand. It is an omission which badly needed repairing and I have at last been able to see your dynamic country for myself. Indeed, my visit to Thailand fills in the outstanding gap in my personal experience of the other countries of the region. I have visited Malaysia, Singapore, now Thailand, Brunei, Indonesia, Hong Kong, South Korea, Japan and Australia. Here in Thailand I've had the benefit of talks with Prime Minister, General Prem, who is accompanied by General Chatichai and the Foreign Minister and I have just returned from an audience with the Bhumibol AdulyadejKing and Queen. [end p1]
I have been keen again to promote trade, defence cooperation and friendship with Britain. Our bilateral relations are excellent. We are major investors abroad and we have much to contribute to the development of the Asian Pacific region.
I have also thought to reassure the Thailand government that the completion of the single internal market in the European Community in 1992 present an opportunity and not an additional obstacle, since no new barriers are to be erected against third countries. Instead there will be only one market to sell into instead of twelve different ones.
Politically, in Thailand my talks were largely concerned with Cambodia, apart from bilateral relations and I have a much deeper insight into the problem, partly from first, my tour yesterday at Site B, a camp which is superbly administered and talking with Prince Sihanouk—I shall incidentally be having further talks with him when he visits London in October; second, through my discussions with the Thailand government, who, like Prince Sihanouk and the relief agencies whom I met yesterday, are confronting the Cambodian issue daily. [end p2]
Clearly, the issue of Cambodia is being pursued at several levels. For example, the continuing talks between the ASEAN countries and the various parties to any settlement and in the forthcoming Sino-Soviet meeting. I am, however, increasingly impressed with the way in which—for the first time since the United Nations' foundation—the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council are cooperating. They have promoted a ceasefire between Iran and Iraq and I would like to build on this coming together of the five powers.
Consequently, I suggested to Prime Minister, General Prem that the five permanent members might be asked to take a close interest in promoting a settlement to the Cambodian problem. General Prem welcomed the idea and I shall pursue it when I return home.
We are agreed that the aim should be to secure the withdrawal of the Vietnamese and then a political settlement which gives Cambodia a stable and secure government. [end p3]
Finally, I would like to add that I have worked with General Prem for eight years and we shall miss him very much. But I look forward to cooperating with his successor, General Chatichai and hope we shall keep in close touch.
Now, Ladies and Gentlemen, your questions. [end p4]
Paul Reynolds (BBC)
Prime Minister, you talked about preventing the return of the Khmer Rouge to power in Kampuchea. How do you propose to do this?
Prime Minister
It will only be done with, I think, the help and cooperation of the five Permanent Members of the Security Council, I believe making it quite clear what we said at the Camp yesterday, that in view of the suffering of the people of Kampuchea and the recollection of the terrible Pol Pot regime, it just would not be acceptable for that regime to return to Cambodia in a powerful position, and I think that we just have to get the cooperation of all people concerned and bring their influence to bear on securing the result that we wish to see.
Paul Reynolds (BBC)
Does that include China? [end p5]
Prime Minister
China is a Permanent Member of the Security Council.
Michael Brunson (ITV)
Prime Minister, you mentioned the ceasefire that has been promoted by the Security Council members. Mr. Perez de Cuellar is saying that he hopes to announce a date for the ceasefire to begin later on today. I wonder what your reaction is to this further development.
Prime Minister
I hope and believe that news of a ceasefire will be announced shortly. It has taken a little time to negotiate, for reasons which we well understand. When it has been announced, it is the first stage because the next stage is to secure a comprehensive settlement of the problems between Iran and Iraq and I think that it took a little time because it had to be made clear that matters would not stop at the ceasefire—that they would go on to the next stage of Resolution 598, which was to embark upon the procedures which would lead to a comprehensive settlement, so that one felt it was not only a ceasefire, but a genuine return of peace to the region. [end p6]
Michael Brunson (ITV)
I raise this as a supplementary. Do you think that this bodes well, as it were, for the future of the Security Council which in the past has sometimes been seen as rather a weak-kneed body? I mean, has it suddenly sort of come to life more effectively, do you feel?
Prime Minister
I think it bodes very well. You remember that at the time when we negotiated Resolution 598, we pointed out that that was the first time the five Members had come together actively to work for that Resolution. We were not, in fact, able to go on to the second part of 598 when one of the countries did not fully accept it, but we stuck together and I think by sticking together we made it perfectly clear that we thought it was time for a resolution of the problem in this area, so that when there was a sudden breakthrough and Iran decided to accept it, the whole mechanism and the whole formation of public opinion was there for Mr. Perez de Cuellar to go immediately into negotiating the ceasefire agreement, and I think that that bodes very well, not only for that particular problem but for the five working together in future on other problems, such as Cambodia, which is perhaps the most immediate [end p7] problem and, of course, there is the other very big one which is the Arab-Israel problem which, as you know, we have been saying for a long time should be settled within the framework of an international conference.
So I think, yes, much greater cooperation between powers who did not cooperate closely before is good for everyone.
Gordon Gregg
You have been beating a path round the world for British businessmen. I just wonder if you had seen any sign since you were last here three years ago whether they have actually got their act together. I was thinking in particular of the air services agreement with Malaysia which does not seem to have been stitched together.
Prime Minister
Oh, but that particular one was, in fact, stitched together. I think that they might be looking for more now, in which case it has to be negotiated between Air Malaysia and British Airways which is no longer a nationalised industry, and I have suggested that I think if they get together again they might find that it is possible to make progress. [end p8]
What is wanted now is something further and way beyond what was asked for on the previous occasion. I think we first have to find out the facts to see how far the present arrangements are fully used up. My impression is that they are not, but that is a matter now between the two airlines.
Same Questioner
On the general situation, do you think that British businessmen are actually getting the message of all these trips you are making or is all a waste of time?
Prime Minister
No. I think that British businesmen have got the message. Exports, too, are up. Certainly, they are not up quite as much as imports at the moment, but exports are very considerably up. As you know, there is a current adverse balance—or current account deficit to put it more accurately. I think that that is partly due to the fantastic investment in British industry and quite a bit of machinery and equipment coming in from abroad and also the tremendous amount of construction that is going on, also with a certain amount of associated imports.
The investment in British industry will in fact produce, I hope, even more competitive products in future and give us a chance of exporting an even greater amount that we are now. [end p9]
Charles Reiss (Evening Standard)
Prime Minister, you will have been away twelve days which is, I think, your longest tour yet, and during that time there have been events from the IRA back at home and in Germany. Do you feel that that length of time—twelve days away—is likely or unlikely to be something you will repeat?
Prime Minister
I really do not know. If it is necessary to do a tour, then we would have to do one.
We had a longer one arranged some time ago, but we had to cut it down. This was the one that previously we went to Ceylon. We actually cut that one down and compressed, I think, about twelve days into nine.
One does not naturally undertake very long tours but, remember, this time we had had a pretty busy session in the House of Commons, very very busy, and we completed that before we embarked upon this tour and I think it has been very successful. I think it was the right time to take it.
I think the only other really long one was when the Commonwealth Conferences used to last the better part of eleven or twelve days. These days, they are much shorter.
But I do not think one can conclude anything from this particular one. I do think it was the right time to embark upon it, to wait until the parliamentary session was well and truly completed and then to come as we did. [end p10]
Question
Prime Minister, in England, Thailand is known as the land of prostitution and cheap labour. Now that you have seen Thailand, could you tell us your reflections about this country, especially from a lady's point of view? Thank you.
Prime Minister
I would not, in fact, accept what you said at the beginning.
I think now, in the United Kingdom, Thailand is known as the country to visit as a tourist. It is known as a country whose economy is increasing very rapidly. It is known as a country with a stable government. It is known as a country which, like ours, has a monarchy which plays an enormously important part in the life of the country and so I would I not accept what you said.
I think we were all immensely relieved at the news that the Vietnamese were likely to withdraw from Cambodia. It is the counterpart to the Soviet Union withdrawing from Afghanistan and it signals, I think, the retreat of the communist socialist countries. They are now, in fact, going a little further towards a freer society and this is just as good news for this part of the world as the withdrawal from Afghanistan and the warmer relations between the Soviet Union and Europe and the United States are for us. I think it is all of a piece and I think that what we have seen is very impressive. This is a very dynamic country and it is going to continue to be an even more dynamic country. [end p11]
Question (Lady—Thailand)
Mrs. Thatcher, I am sure you are aware of the names that they gave you— “Tiger Lady” —the Thai press even went further as “Iron Lioness or Tigress” . How do you take this name?
Prime Minister
I have been called much worse names than that! I think this arose because one has taken such a firm stand on defence always. One took a very firm stand when our territories were invaded in the Falklands and I think it is a good thing for one's country to have a reputation for being very very firm, and I think not only being firm in defence but if you have to make difficult decisions then it is felt that you have to have a touch of iron about you—you do, but there is a lot else besides the iron.
Paul Bedelton (UPI)
Prime Minister, as you know, there have been major events taking place in Burma just near here. Do you think there is anything that Britain could or should be doing to encourage the emergence of a more democratic government there, perhaps with a more open and free-enterprise style economy? [end p12]
Prime Minister
I do not think that there is anything that we can do with regard to Burma. It is a problem that Burma will have to solve herself and if she wishes the help of other countries in the region, then she would ask for it, but I think it is primarily a problem which she has to solve herself. She is a very independent country and therefore it will have to be solved internally.
We are, of course, great friends of Malaysia. We have established a very very good bilateral Malaysian-British relationship, but any problem, again, that she might have is for Malaysia to resolve, and I think she is resolving them.
Question
Prime Minister, you have talked about Kampuchea. Can you also tell me, with regard to the Vietnamese Boat People problem in Hong Kong, whether you see Britain working alone to find a solution with the Vietnamese or you intend to work with the ASEAN countries to find a solution for repatriation?
Prime Minister
We have, in fact, been in touch with the Vietnam Government about repatriation, because Hong Kong simply cannot go on taking people whom we believe now are not refugees in the understood meaning of the word but are probably seeking a better economic [end p13] livelihood. We have been in touch with Vietnam. We are quite prepared to work with other people, but I do know that Hong Kong cannot go on taking those people and we have to do the best we can for Hong Kong to find a solution. We will work with whomever it is necessary to try to find that solution.
Terry McCarthy (The Independent)
Prime Minister, on Cambodia again, after your talks with Prince Sihanouk yesterday and General Prem today, do you foresee a role for the Khmer Rouge in a future political settlement for Cambodia or do you go along with Prince Sihanouk who is now suggesting that perhaps the Khmer Rouge should be completely ignored?
Prime Minister
I would not accept even what you said in the question as a wholly accurate description of the position. He made it perfectly clear that there could not be any return of the Pol Pot regime. Now, that is not quite what you said. [end p14]
We will stand absolutely by that, as both Prince Sihanouk and I did in our speeches yesterday, because of what people suffered under that regime and what eventually was reported in full in Britain and led to more help going to the people of Cambodia—Kampuchea—help that they had not received before. We were only able, really, to help in material terms and in food and help to the refugee camps.
So we make it quite clear that, in response to how people feel and what Prince Sihanouk feels, that we accept there can be no return of the Pol Pot regime.
At the moment, as you know, there are four parties who attended the informal talks and I do not think one can be any more precise than that. Certain proposals were made there relating to the four parties about there being four ministers to any one ministry—one from each of the four parties. We cannot, in fact, do the negotiations.
What I think has happened is that for the first time these things are being talked about between the parties concerned and that there has been an official working party set up; there are ASEAN groups also; and there is a possibility of the United Nations Security Council. [end p15]
Having identified what I think is the thing that I think will be totally unacceptable to the people of Cambodia, we have to work as best we can to get a settlement that is acceptable having made it quite clear that the Pol Pot regime could not return.
David Storey (Reuters)
Prince Sihanouk has suggested that the UN seat now held by the CDGK—the Opposition coalition—be vacated as one way of furthering the efforts to get a solution on Kampuchea. Would you support that?
Prime Minister
I think we have to enter into discussions about it with other countries. I understand the problem and I think we would need to talk very closely about it with our allies before reaching a conclusion.