Ladies and Gentlemen, a great responsibility—an awesome responsibility—rests upon your shoulders. It is up to you to carry the Conservative message in this election to the voters. Party Election Broadcasts, newspaper advertisements, the hoardings—all these can help. But in your constituency the voters will judge the Conservative Party by how well, how vigorously and how convincingly you campaign. [end p1]
During this election there will be polls of all kinds, up and down. Don't be distracted from putting across the positive, realistic, imaginative Conservative message.
Put forward a clear Conservative message and don't be diverted by the scare tactics of other parties. See that the people know our record in Government. They are not going to believe that we have a secret manifesto—as Labour's increasingly wild charges suggest. [end p2] They will recall the smears and scares of the Opposition in the last election campaign and the one before that. [end p3]
In May, 1983, Mr. Hattersley said: “In a year's time … inflation will be in double figures” . It wasn't. It isn't.
Mrs Dunwoody, then on Labour front bench, said last time: “If the Tories were allowed to win this election they would within five years end the National Health Service” . [end p4]
You are well aware of our fantastic record on the Health Service, unrivalled by any previous Government.
And Mr Kinnock himself, just two days before polling day, said: “It is now clear … that a Tory Government would … increase taxes” .
And the truth? We cut income tax. And he voted against the tax cuts. [end p5]
Four years ago, it was already clear that the Labour Party had lost its grip on reality. Nothing's changed.
The voters know what value to place on such election “scares” —no value at all. [end p6]
We want an election campaign, open and above board, fought fairly on policies. We are well-equipped for one. We have seventy-seven pages of well thought out, radical and imaginative policies in our manifesto.
Here it is. It is a vision for a Conservative society in which people and families will own more property, acquire more independence and exercise greater choice in housing, education and in the other matters which shape their lives. [end p7] “Power to the People” is more than a slogan.
We want a world in which people will take the important decisions for themselves—as tenants, home-owners, parents, employees and trade unionists—rather than having them taken for them by officialdom or trade union bosses.
Extending the opportunities for ownership is one facet of this philosophy. [end p8] We will continue our ownership revolution by maintaining the right to buy council houses, by reintroducing our tax incentives for profit-related pay, and by privatising more state industries in ways that increase share ownership.
The other side of our philosophy is extending choice in local authority services like council housing and education—freeing people from municipal socialism. [end p9]
We will give parents the right to choose the school their children attend—a real right backed by resources, not some paper entitlement. And we will will give council tenants who are dissatisfied with their local authority landlords the right to choose a new landlord—whether a building society, a pension fund or an approved private landlord.
Every parent and every tenant will benefit from these reforms. But who will benefit most? [end p10]
It is the parents of children in schools in inner cities who have most to gain from greater choice. They will now have the chance to send their children to a better school. And if left-wing local authorities continue to frustrate their wishes, then they will be able to take their school from local authority control and become independent charitable trusts with a direct grant from the Government. [end p11]
It is the tenant on run-down estates, where the council has persistently failed to improve matters, who will use the opportunity to choose a new landlord.
It is to help these people that we have designed our policy of greater choice.
Carry that clear message to the voters. [end p12]
Take along as well, on your travels around the doorsteps, this second volume of our first eight years of achievements—our achievements from the economy to the reform of trade unions, to the hospital building programme which has already carried through two hundred new hospital projects since 1979, to our re-equipment of our armed forces, to much, much else.
Aneurin Bevan once said: “Why look in the crystal ball when you can read the book.” This is the book—but Labour seems strangely reluctant to get down to reading it. [end p13]
1987 must be the first election in history in which the Government is anxious to discuss its record—it economic record, above all, but in which the Opposition keeps changing the subject.
They don't want to discuss our rise from the bottom of the growth league of major European countries under them to the top of it under this Government.
They don't want to discuss inflation—which rose to 27 per cent under them but which, under us, is at its lowest level for twenty years. [end p14]
They don't want to discuss the rise in productivity which lagged under them but which has grown faster under us than in any other major industrial country—and that includes West Germany and Japan.
And they don't want to discuss the level of Britain's overseas assets which under them was in single figures but which has soared to £110 billions under us—second only to Japan—but watch out! [end p15]
They cannot bring themselves to discuss our achievements frankly because they cannot bring themselves to admit that we have succeeded where they so miserably failed. We have succeeded because we cut the controls, introduced tax incentives, and worked with the spirit of enterprise and generosity that is fundamental to the British character. Moreoever the truth is that you cannot improve the social services until you have first created the successful economy to sustain them. Labour has forgotten that truth; the voters have not. [end p16]
That way we have restored the British economy, reduced inflation, cut taxes, greatly increased public spending on health and social services, built up our defences, and raised Britain's standing in the world so that we are regarded once again as a reliable ally and a trusted friend. That is our Conservative message to the British people.
Yes, do discuss our record on health and welfare. You know it well. You know that this Government has increased spending on the Health Service from less than £8 billion in 1979 to almost £21 billion today—even after inflation, that's a rise of almost one third. [end p17]
You know that we have carried through the biggest hospital building programme in the history of the Service.
You know that there are more doctors and nurses working in the Health Service than even before—63,000 more nurses, 12,000 more doctors and dentists and 20,000 more technical staff than in 1979.
And you know that a record number of patients cases are being treated—one million more in hospitals, three and half million more as out-patients. [end p18]
Last time our opponents entered office promising to improve the Health Service. When they lost the 1979 election, they had cut nurses pay, cut the hospital building programme, and increased only waiting lists.
They meant well—but their economic policies were such a failure that their good intentions counted for nothing. And their attempt to spend money before they had earned it led to a massive increase in the rate of inflation to 27 per cent, to the looming threat of bankruptcy and, finally to the humiliating request for a loan from the IMF. [end p19]
They tried to spend money like confetti and found they had to print it like confetti. And the result is that before long it has the same value as confetti.
So the choice before the voters is not between a caring party and an uncaring one. All decent people care about the sick, the unfortunate and the old and it is false and wicked to suggest. Otherwise. [Remainder of speech missing].