Speeches, etc.

Margaret Thatcher

Speech to Scottish Conservative Party Conference

Document type: Speeches, interviews, etc.
Venue: City Hall, Perth
Source: Thatcher Archive: speaking text
Editorial comments: MT was due to speak at 1900. The latter part of the text has been checked against a tape recording in the Harvey Thomas MSS (see editorial note in text).
Importance ranking: Major
Word count: 3730
Themes: Executive, Union of UK nations, Conservatism, Conservative Party (organization), Education, Employment, Industry, Local elections, Monetary policy, Privatized & state industries, Pay, Public spending & borrowing, Taxation, Health policy, Housing, Labour Party & socialism, Local government finance, Social security & welfare, Trade union law reform

May I begin, Mr. President, by congratulating you, not only on the success of this year's Conference, but also on all the hard work and leadership that you and your office-bearers have given to the Scottish Conservative Party over the past year.

I want also to thank James Goold whose advice to me, and whose tireless work as Chairman of the Party in Scotland, has been quite marvellous.

All of us in this hall thank you, James. [end p1]

There is another person I want especially to mention this evening: George Younger.

We all feel such gratitude and admiration for George.

What a doughty fighter for Scotland.

To him and Diana, we say a very warm thank you.

We are fortunate indeed that his many talents and abilities are available to the United Kingdom as a whole in the crucial office of Secretary of State for Defence. [end p2]

As George goes on to his new responsibilities, a new Scottish talent emerges.

We have all been delighted by the vigour and energy with which Malcolm Rifkind has taken on the job of Scottish Secretary.

We wish him, and his strong team of Ministers, all success.

Now, Scotland has two voices in the Cabinet. Come to think of it, there's also John MacGregor at the Treasury, born and bred in Shotts. [end p3]

And this Conference would not be complete without Alec Home, our most loved elder statesman who has set standards of service to our country to which the rest of us can only aspire. [end p4]

CONFIDENCE IN SCOTLAND

Mr. President, sometimes in Scotland I seem to sense that you feel that “they” , “down South” , in “the establishment” aren't interested.

You know, that couldn't be more wrong.

I could answer in figures.

I could point to the fact that, of the regional aid for the whole of Britain, Scotland receives a third. [end p5]

Or that when it comes to spending taxpayers' money, we spend £450 more per person in Scotland than in England; On education, £108 more per person; on health, £92 more.

I'd better not go on: English constituencies might notice!

But there's more to it than money, I know.

When I was in Grantham, I used to look at “them” , down in London, and wonder whether “they” knew what life was like in Lincolnshire. [end p6]

Then I got involved and I found that they not only knew, they cared.

In truth, there is no “them” .

There is only “us” .

We are all involved; we all contribute and we all share in the wellbeing of our nation.

Yes, Scotland does receive special provision because of its special needs.

But Scotland is a country where new companies are starting up, new industries taking root, and thousands of new jobs springing up—50,000 since 1983. [end p7]

Yes, there is still some way to go.

And we do understand your anxieties about the problems in some of Scotland's traditional industries such as shipbuilding. [end p8]

This Government has given and will continue to give full support to the efforts of British shipbuilders to win orders.

Jobs depend on them.

But we must face reality.

There are whole fleets of surplus ships at anchor around the world swinging idly on the buoys.

40 million tons of them.

That's more than two years output from all the shipyards in the world. [end p9]

The Swedes, the Dutch, the Japanese, the Germans and the French have all had to cut their industry substantially.

The idea, that whenever there is a worldwide problem, somehow we in Britain can be immune, is just absurd.

But I can understand people's concerns.

After the reductions just announced, there will still be five merchant shipbuilding yards at British shipbuilders, As well as Harland and Wolff and seven private merchant yards, to build the ships we need. [end p10]

It's best to put the £10 million we announced this week to creating new jobs with a future.

And that's what we have done. [end p11]

Mr President, not enough people realise just how startling Scotland's economic transformation has been in the last decade.

An economy based so much on steel, heavy engineering, ships, and textiles, has transformed itself into one of the most modern and diversified in the world. [end p12]

But your old traditions of enterprise live on in the new computer industry, the banking and finance houses and in the oil industry, which have grown so rapidly in recent years.

They live on in the surge of new companies set up here—almost 15,000 since 1979.

They live on in the success of high quality textile companies and aircraft engineers.

Today, two out of every three jobs in Scotland are in small businesses or services.

Scotland no longer depends on the heavy industry of the past, but on the enterprise culture of tomorrow. [end p13]

For example, more new jobs have been created at Glengarnock than the old steel mill employed;

Something which may give hope to those whose hearts are heavy after the news from British Shipbuilders.

Never let us forget Scotland's traditional agriculture, forestry and fishing—not only vital to the economy, but important for the whole fabric of Scottish life.

And when I was in Tokyo recently, I certainly didn't forget Scotch Whisky.

Indeed, I told the Japanese Prime Minister that Japan was not importing enough. [end p14]

Mr President, what we are really talking about is “action for jobs” .

David Young will have told you all about that yesterday; what the Government can do and is doing; and what only industry and commerce can do.

That is Industry Year.

Every year should be Industry year; because what Scotland makes, makes Scotland.

As well as providing for the well-being of families, industry provides the taxes to support schools, hospitals, pensions. [end p15]

All these things come from the industrial virtues of innovation, quality, design, marketing.

They don't come form Governments.

So let's value and encourage the men and women of enterprise and all those who work with them, not only for their capacity to create wealth, but the hope and vision they bring to our society.

They are today's pioneers shaping the jobs of tomorrow. [end p16]

NEVER TAKE OUR ACHIEVEMENTS FOR GRANTED

Mr. President, a week ago we had the local elections—here in Scotland, and in England and Wales too.

The results were disappointing.

Of course, we would have liked to have done better.

What, then, is the message we must heed?

I don't believe for one moment that people want to throw away all that has been gained.

Just a few years ago, do you remember what came top of people's list of worries?

The rapidly rising cost of living.

Prices were rising week by week.

Savings were being whittled away. [end p17]

And those in retirement were fearful of the future.

Of course they were.

Inflation under Labour rose to 27%;.

“Deal with these things” you said.

And we did.

Today's figures are the best for nearly 20 years.

Inflation down to 3%;.

Mr President, in April last year I gave an interview—April 10th, 1985 to be precise.

Some of you can see it. [end p18]

“Maggie: my 3%; prices target”

And what did the Neil KinnockLeader of the Opposition have to say.

Let me tell you.

It was one of those Tuesday and Thursday sessions when they like to make a noise to drown out the achievements.

Mr Kinnock: “May I ask the Prime Minister” —that's the bit I like, long may it continue, “May I ask the Prime Minister” —That's the bit I like, long may it continue.

“May I ask the Prime Minister, does she still think that the inflation rate will reach her promised target of 3%;, and if so, when will that occur?

What changes in policy will the Prime Minister bring about to try to promote [end p19]

That, or is she really once again trying to con the country on inflation?”

Mr President, we stuck to our policy.

We weren't conning the people, and inflation is now 3%;.

I look forward to receiving Mr Kinnock's congratulations on Tuesday.

And do you remember what a mess the nation's finances got into under Labour—how ashamed we all felt when the Labour Government went cap in hand to the international moneylenders to finance their overspending and their debts? [end p20]

We dealt with that too.

No financial crisis with this Government—even though we went through a world-wide recession, the Falklands Campaign, A year-long coal strike, and the recent fall in oil prices.

We weathered them all.

And we will continue resolutely with our policy of sound finance.

And your other worries?

The trade union bosses were becoming daily more powerful; and in the eyes of many, more powerful than the elected government, no-one dared challenge them. [end p21]

“Tackle them” , you said. “Deal with it.”

We dealt with that too, by a traditional Tory remedy: taking power from the big union bosses and giving it to rank and file members.

Then again, people were paying too much income tax.

If we hadn't cut income tax, the average family would today be paying an extra £7 a week—that's £350 a year.

That's only a start.

There's more to do because the tax on those with below-average incomes is still far too high. [end p22]

And, people wanted to be given every chance to buy their own home.

We've tackled that, too.

You know the marvellous response in Scotland.

And in Great Britain as a whole, two and a half million more families now own their own home.

Above all, in those days, there was a feeling that the State, and the big organisations, were becoming all-powerful, and that individuals just didn't count. [end p23]

That's what people were complaining about a few years ago.

This Government listened.

The remedies were Tory.

They worked.

They were in tune with the hearts and minds of the people.

You don't hear those complaints today.

That shows just how much we have achieved.

And never forget, those achievements were won in the teeth of opposition—opposition from the Labour Party, the Liberal Party and the SDP.

Don't take those achievements for granted.

They weren't gained easily. [end p24]

But oh how easily they could be lost.

Mr President, what I think people are now saying to the Government is this:

You understood what worried us a few years ago.

And you had the guts to do something about it.

Do you understand what is worrying us today?

And, if you do, will you show the same guts and sort that out too?
[end p25]

Mr President, there is only one answer to that:

Yes, yes and yes again.

A year ago, when I came to this same conference, you made clear your deep worries about rates.

We listened.

We understood.

We're dealing with it. [end p26]

And because of the urgency, domestic rates will be abolished in Scotland ahead of England and Wales. [end p27]

EDUCATION

This year, parents are naturally worried by what happened in Scottish schools during the recent dispute, and by the damage it did to the education of their children.

Many parents all over the country are thinking not just about more spending, but about those values which can't be bought—discipline, self-respect, consideration for others.

They are crucial to everything we believe.

Of course, some of these things should be taught at home.

It is not fair to expect teachers to do it all. [end p28]

That is why concerned parents want to be involved to make sure that the school's aims and their beliefs are pulling the same way.

They want to be certain that the school is getting the best out of their children—whatever their aptitudes and abilities. [end p29]

Above all, parents want three things for their children.

First, they want them to be taught the three Rs.

Indeed, some of us would say they should be taught five Rs: Reading, wRiting, aRithmetic, Right, wRong.

What they don't want is political indoctrination.

Second, they want their children to be equipped to go out into the world of work, which must include a good basic knowledge of modern science.

Third, they want their children to be taught something of the rich traditions of literature, music, art, and all that is best in our heritage. [end p30]

To do these things, teachers need our support and encouragement.

I could give you any number of statistics.

—I could tell you that, when Labour left office, they were spending £550 on each pupil in Scotland.

A lot of money.

Do you know how much we are spending now?

Over twice as much—more than £1,200 on each pupil. [end p31]

—I could remind you that there are more teachers to pupils than ever before.

That should mean smaller classes.

But it doesn't always.

Because all is not well.

What we have to do is to raise morale again in schools throughout the country.

And that means starting with the teachers.

No-one wants another argument about teachers' duties. [end p32]

So we have set up an independent inquiry to define them.

We want the best teachers to stay in the classroom, so we have asked that Inquiry to devise a system which will pay better teachers more.

We expect that it will report by the Autumn.

You are keen to get on, and so are we.

But don't forget—schools are not run by the Government, they are run by local authorities.

Many do an excellent job.

Others do not share our aims and priorities. [end p33]

Our task now is to make sure that the parents' wishes prevail.

And we are bending all our efforts to that end, both here and south of the border.

Education is about more than schooling.

It is about the opportunity for a satisfying, fulfilled life.

I understand what you feel about education.

I feel it too.

You are right to put it high on the agenda.

So does this government. [end p34]

HEALTH

Another area on which you are turning the spotlight is the Health Service.

I am glad.

The story we have to tell is one of a developing health service, not a declining one.

You know the figures.

But not everyone does.

Let me put it like this.

In 1979, the amount spent on the Health Service in Scotland was equal to £800 a year for every family of four. [end p35]

This year the sum is £1,500 for every family of four.

An increase far greater than the rise in prices.

You found the money.

The Government didn't.

It comes out of the pockets of the people.

Of course, it's not just how much money is spent. What matters is to spend it wisely and well.

120,000 more patients have been treated in Scottish hospitals in 1984 than in 1979.

That required more nurses—7,000 more to be precise. [end p36]

All that is good.

It's what the health service is for.

But it is not the story you hear from our political opponents.

They will tell you of the 28 Scottish hospitals that have been closed, without telling you about the 42 hospitals and extensions which have already been opened since 1979 and the 32 further hospital schemes already under way.

They will tell you of the 1,300 beds which have been lost, but not a word about the 4,200 new beds. [end p37]

If our critics ran the personal columns of “The Times” , you would only ever get announcements of deaths, never births or marriages.

Yet it was the Labour Party which supported a strike against patients in 1982.

It was the Labour Government who were forced to make cuts in the National Health Service.

They slashed the programme of new hospitals by one-third.

And they presided over an increase in waiting lists of a quarter of a million.

Waiting lists have gone up under every Labour Government.

This Government has cut the waiting lists across the country as a whole. [end p38]

But the problem runs deeper than hostile propaganda from so-called “champions” of the Health Service who never have a good word to say for it.

There are genuine concerns.

—How long will your elderly relative have to wait for the hip operation which will relieve so much pain?

—Will the expectant mother be cared for by the same medical team throughout her pregnancy?

—How many hours will you have to wait around in a hospital for an X-ray? [end p39]

I know your worries, and we are determined to deal with them, because we believe in the Health Service and want it to flourish.

I know what a burden is lifted by the very existence of a good health service.

We all need to be sure that it is always there to care for our needs—from minor surgery to sudden accidents, to long-term illness.

There have been marvellous medical advances in the past few years, for which we are all very grateful. [end p40]

But each advance creates fresh demands.

The story goes like this.

First a brilliant doctor—Scottish, of course—discovers a new treatment. An article appears in the medical press.

We give him extra staff and facilities so that he can provide the new treatment.

But, meanwhile, every GP who has a patient with the disease refers the case to the consultant.

Inevitably a new waiting list is born.

The Health Service is offering more than it was and has pioneered a new treatment.

But before we know where we are, we're bombarded by complaints about the waiting list. [end p41]

Our opponents say that all you have to do is find more money.

We have provided more money.

A lot more—£11 billion more in 1986 than in 1979.

But it was the Labour Government's Royal Commission on the health service which pointed out that we could easily spend the whole national income on health, and still leave needs unmet.

So clearly there can't be unlimited spending.

The real challenge is to provide more care for patients by making better use of the £18¾ billion of your money we are putting in this year. [end p42]

As the Chairman of one Health Authority said in “The Times” yesterday:

Financial resources will always be constrained, and the challenge is to use these in the most effective way.

For example, why is it that one maternity unit in Scotland can handle a birth for £420, whereas in another the cost is over £600?

Is the one so much better than the other? [end p43]

We are not asking the impossible.

What we want is for the rest to be as good as the best so that we can provide even more care for patients.

And here let me pay tribute to the dedicated staff of the health service: the quality of their work is the equal of any in the world.

We have achieved a lot.

When I visit hospitals, patients cannot speak too highly of the care they have received. [end p44]

But there is always room to do better

—to raise standards

—to strengthen good management

—above all to cut the waiting lists by treating more patients.

Although there is always more to be done, we should not be afraid to proclaim what we have already achieved in health.

And if people ask you:

“Is the health service really safe with this government” , tell them:

No other government in Britain has ever achieved as much. [end p45]

CARING

Mr President, our opponents are never slow to claim for themselves a monopoly of care.

Surely, caring is what you do, not just what you say.

And those who talk most aren't always those who do most.

It is because we care about the old that we have increased the old-age pension to record levels, and cut the tax on their savings. [end p46]

It is because we care about the disabled that we have far and away the best record of help and support of any Government.

It is because we care about finding jobs, that we set up:

— the Youth Training Scheme;

— the New Workers Scheme to help people start work;

— the Restart Scheme to give the long-term unemployed a chance.

— the Enterprise Allowance and so on. [end p47]

It is because we care deeply about the tragedy of drug addiction that we have devoted extra money and people to rehabilitation, to tracking down the drug pusher and confiscating his ill-gotten gains.

It is because we care for Britain's reputation in the world that we are a staunch ally, a courageous partner, playing our full part in the world community.

We need no lessons in care from other parties.

We want to solve our nation's problems, not exploit them or disguise them. [end p48]

Mr President, we are in politics because we care.

—Care about the future of our country and welfare of its people.

— care about its laws, its freedoms, and its traditions.

And we care enough about our country to be determined to defend it.

It is because we care that we don't care for Socialism.

It is because we care that we are Conservatives. [end p49]

LOOKING TO THE FUTURE

Mr President, we came into Government to achieve fundamental changes for Britain and her people.

We have already delivered much of what we then promised to do.

Inflation is at bay; trade union law transformed.

Real improvements in the National Health Service; enormous progress towards a property-owning democracy. [end p50]

Yes, there are still dragons to be slain—most notably unemployment—and other challenges still to meet, not least in the education of our children.

We have the resolve, the sense of purpose, and, yes, the motivation, to hold on to the ground we have gained and to push forward the frontiers of Conservative achievement.

Still, as the 21st Century beckons, you may ask:

What kind of Britain do you really want to see?
[end p51]

May I tell you?

I want to see a Britain which prospers by its inventive genius and enterprise, where people are left with enough of their own money to be generous to their own families.

I want to see a Britain which builds on its growing prosperity, a society which cares for the less fortunate; for the quality of our education, for the environment in which we live; and for our heritage and culture.

I want to see a Britain which reinforces its cherished freedoms through the widest possible ownership of property and capital and the willing acceptance of personal responsibility. [end p52]

I want to see a safe and secure Britain which counts for something in the world because its people are independent and respected within their own land—a Britain which is listened to abroad because of what it stands for at home. [end p53]

When I began in politics.

I had only the things I believed in.

That the State

was NOT made to dominate the lives of individuals;

NOT created to make them conform to some political plan.

It was made

to liberate each one to live his own life, look after his own family, serve his own community. [end p54]

Sometimes, I watch those who would try to intimidate us out of our beliefs.

See their activities

—in university meetings

—on the picket line

—in the council chamber.

And their purpose?

Not that we may the better live our lives.

But that they may the better control us for their ends. [end p55]

That is no way for the Scottish or British people.

I shall fight it as long as I live.

And together, we shall fight it at the next election.

Britain's very destiny depends on our victory.