Introduction
Madam Chairman, it is two years since we met, Last year there was no Women's Conference. Instead there was a General Election. It is a matter of history that we won. It is a matter of interest to know why. The answer is because we were honest with the British people. We told the truth. We made no false promises. And our policies were and still are in tune with the true instincts of the British people. [end p1]
This time our conference comes at a very significant moment.
It is the 35th anniversary of NATO.
In a few days, we celebrate the 40th anniversary of the Normandy landings.
We are at the beginning of the second campaign to elect members of the European Parliament. [end p2]
And the tenth economic summit of the seven most powerful Western nations starts in London on 7th June.
Each of these events has its own significance—either as part of our heritage, part of our history or part of our future.
It is customary on these occasions to give a tour d'horizon—well, today is quite a “tour”. [end p3]
Peace and freedom
There was a time when we should have rigidly separated Foreign Affairs from Home Affairs; As if one had little relevance to the other—or at any rate to elections.
I remember reading the comment of an American President “I wish … that foreign affairs were as simple as agriculture …” He couldn't have made such a comment today, either in Europe or in the United States. [end p4]
It was in 1946 at Zurich that Winston Churchill made a famous speech. When speaking of the Tragedy of Europe whose wars had marred the prospects of all mankind, he said: “Yet all the while there is a remedy … it is to reunite the European family, or as much of it as we can, and provide it with a structure under which it can dwell in peace in safety and in freedom.” [end p5]
In peace, in safety, in freedom. We enjoy all these—I wonder if we appreciate them enough.
They are not maintained by repeating pious platitudes; nor by demonstrating outside missile bases in a way which shatters the daily peace of others; nor by casting away the weapons of war, careless of the consequences.
But only by a sure defence, with staunch allies and with sturdy hearts. [end p6]
We are founder members of NATO, the shield of the West. A NATO with a nuclear deterrent, fearful weapons though they are. But so are conventional weapons:—let no-one forget that. And the alternative to a nuclear deterrent?
It would be to leave this most terrible weapon exclusively in the hands of a potential aggressor. And faced with a threat which we could not then deter—the only course would be surrender. [end p7]
Such a policy would be totally irresponsible for any British government. The world over, the name of Britain stands for freedom. That freedom is worth defending.
It was a group from Czechoslovakia who know what it is to live without freedom and justice who recently wrote to the nuclear disarmers in Britain and said: “Some of us prefer the risk involved in maintaining a firm stance against aggression to the certainty of the catastrophic consequences of appeasement.” [end p8]
They know what dictatorship is like. No-one protects their right to speak freely there as we protect the right of CND here. [end p9]
But peace-making means more than having strong military defences—it requires political insight and political initiative.
Political insight—in that we see clearly that America's role is vital to the defence of the free world. The United States has shown vision and generosity almost without precedent in the history of free nations. This Party is pro-american. [end p10]
Political insight—in that we, in Europe, appreciate that each of us must play our full part as allies in the defence of our continent. That is why it is so important that all the members of NATO who have undertaken to deploy cruise missiles should honour that commitment. [end p11]
Political initiative—in that we must have discussion and contact across the great gulf which separates the West from the Communist world. We recognise that neither side will relinquish its military strength, nor its way of life, but that both have an overriding interest in this nuclear age in avoiding military conflict between us—whether in Europe or beyond the NATO area. [end p12]
Political initiative—in that we never cease to proclaim our beliefs in democracy and liberty under the law. And that we give practical help to countries of the Third World so that they too may be free to choose their own destiny in their own way. [end p13]
Madam Chairman, there has always been conflict and crisis somewhere in the world. Alas, it will not stop now. But we must make sure that we don't misread the signs; that we constantly keep open and effective the channels of communication and influence; and that consultation between friends and allies is a continuous process. [end p14]
No country need ever fear an attack by NATO. Our purpose is arms for defence, not for aggression.
Earlier this year, a number of Soviet citizens sent me letters, in Identical terms, About their wish for peace. Some of them may have had no idea about the strength of our desire for peace, here in Britain and in the West. [end p15]
I replied to them in Russian. (This is part of the excellent service of the Foreign Office) Let me read you part of my letter: For this audience, I'll do it in English.
“I want to make one thing absolutely clear: NATO does not threaten you. It threatens no-one.
[end p16]It is a purely defensive alliance. None of our weapons—nuclear or conventional—will ever be used except in response to attack.”
That is what I wrote. And my letter was published in ‘Pravda’. I wish that the debate could be continued in the columns of ‘Pravda’ as freely as in the columns of ‘The Times’. [end p17]
Europe
Madam Chairman, one reason for supporting us at the last General Election—even for those who'd never supported us before—was this Party's dedication to the defence of our country and of our beliefs.
The reason for supporting us now, in these elections, is that we are the only Party which believes in a strong Britain and in a strong Europe. [end p18]
In that Zurich speech, Winston Churchill spoke not only of defence but of “recreating the European family, so that its people may be able to regain the simple joys and hopes which make life worth living.”
It was ten years after that speech before the European Community was founded. And another eleven years before we in Britain become a member. [end p19]
In the perspective of history, those are fragments of time. But measured by human achievement, they have been little short of miraculous.
During the lifetime of the European Community, democracy in Europe has been entrenched; trade has expanded; output has grown; and prosperity has increased.
Since we joined the Community we have seen the benefits of membership for Britain:- [end p20] export markets have opened up. Firms from all over the world have set up business in Britain. Today, millions of jobs in our country depend on our membership of the Community. As members of the largest trading unit in the world our influence on world economic and commercial matters is greatly increased. And as the Community develops a stronger voice in foreign affairs, so our political influence widens.
In Britain, we are forever grateful for the Community's strong support when we went to regain freedom in the Falklands and for their swift imposition of trade sanctions against the aggressor. [end p21]
But if we need Europe Europe needs Britain. No country, Madame Chairman, has done more for Europe. In that last terrible War, when the European continent was overrun by tyranny, it was Britain alone who fought for freedom from the very beginning until the very end. British men and women fought and died for a Europe free and at peace. [end p22]
Since the War, no European country has done more for the security of Europe than Britain. The 65,000 British soldiers and airmen stationed on the Central Front bear witness to that. So too does our contribution to NATO's naval strength—the largest of any European country. No-one can ever accuse Britain of not being European. [end p23] Madame Chairman, a Europe without Britain is inconceivable.
Yes, there are problems: food surpluses; overspending; red tape. And this Conservative Government has taken a lead in getting the Community to face up to these difficulties. We had to. We can't pursue fundamental beliefs at home—and just abandon them when we leave Heathrow. [end p24]
We couldn't watch food mountains grow and grow, at vast expense to the Community taxpayer; milk alone has been produced at a rate of about 106 million tonnes a year, for a demand of only 86 million tonnes. It couldn't go on. And a start was made in March this year when the Community agreed action to bring supply more into line with demand. [end p25]
I know the anxiety and worry that these necessary measures have brought to our own dairy farmers. Farming is one of our most efficient industries—one of our showpieces. And we—this Government, this Party—appreciate more than anyone how much they contribute to our national well-being and to the strength of our society.
The Government recognises the special problems of small producers and is trying to cushion the cases where quotas cause special hardship. [end p26]
We all know that surpluses could not go on. We know too that other industries have experienced similar problems and have also had to adapt to changing circumstances.
We shall continue to work in Brussels for the strict control of agricultural spending,—indeed, of all spending.
And we shall go on fighting for a sound and fair basis for financing the Community. [end p27]
In those debates Britain has spoken with a strong voice. This Conservative Government has won back for Britain rebates of over two thousand million pounds, which have already been paid to us.
We shall continue until we win a fair, long-term, cash deal for Britain. Equity and sense are on our side. So too is the fact that otherwise the Community will run out of money.
We want to solve these problems once and for all. [end p28] so that we can work for a more efficient Europe, a more prosperous Europe, and a Europe rising to its full stature in the world, a Europe of which our children will be proud.
What matters now is that our hand should be strengthened by people voting Conservative and returning Conservatives to the European Parliament. [end p29] In the Parliament now ending Conservative members have a marvellous track record. They backed our efforts for fair and sound financing.
They battled against sales of cheap subsidised butter to Russia. They have worked painstakingly to prevent unnecessary, bureaucratic directives. They've campaigned for cheaper air fares. And the list goes on. [end p30]
So let me repeat, we need—Britain needs—the strength of the Conservatives in the European Parliament. [end p31]
The other Parties?
Their credentials speak for themselves. We all know the sort of Britain the Labour Party would like to create. What they would do to the community is less clear—because they don't know themselves. We are entitled to ask—how many Labour candidates in these elections want to pull Britain out of the Community? And, if so, how can they seriously expect their voice to carry any weight in Europe? [end p32]
Just as they were out of tune with Britain in June 1983, so they are out of tune with Europe in June 1984.
The Liberals and SDP? They want the European Parliament to have the power to impost taxes, presumably so that tax will rise to meet expenditure. They even talk of new sources of taxation, such as excise duties. And they want Britain to have a weaker voice in Europe; by severely restricting the veto. [end p33]
Madam Chairman, this Party is opposed to that. Britain must be able to protect her vital national interests. The present veto arrangements must stand.
Madam Chairman, the Conservative Party is the only Party in these elections which stands for a strong Britain in a strong Europe. And let us remember. This Euro-election will decide the politics of a whole Parliament for a whole five years. We have one chance only. Let us see that Conservatives are returned in strength on June 14th. [end p34]
WHAT UNITES US AS A NATION
On the home front I want to talk about the things that unite us as a nation; about the hopes and ambitions which most of us share; and about the part which Government should play in their fulfilment.
Most basic of all I believe that people want freedom from fear:- fear of violence; fear of intimidation; freedom to go about their daily duties and interests unhindered and [end p35] freedom to express their views however controversial those views may be.
An ugly streak of violence has disfigured our television screens night after night. Reports appear of those who have been intimidated because they seek to go to their place of work, to pursue their occupation and to support their families. [end p36]
It is indeed ironic that trade unions were founded to protect their members from threats and bullying. And yet there are leaders who could say the word to stop violence. but who fail even to condemn it.
Throughout this time, we have seen many acts of courage:- — the courage of those who are determined to go to work; — the courage of the police who uphold the law impartially in the best traditions of their service; [end p37] — the courage of the women and families who will not be cowed by intimidation.
Let there be no doubt about it—the public support the police and the way they bravely carry out their arduous duties.
It is part of our policy as a Government to see that sufficient police are recruited, trained and equipped to keep law and order. But they cannot do it alone. [end p38]
We the ordinary citizens have to make it clear that violence is totally unacceptable in our society; that the way to influence events is through the ballot box and not the bully boys. That is what democracy and a free society mean, This Government, believing that the coal mining industry has a great future, [end p39] — has invested £2 million for every day we have been in office, so that we may have better pits and better working conditions; [Beginning of section checked against BBC Radio News Report 1800 23 May 1984:] This Government has seen to it that when miners are offered voluntary early retirement the redundancy terms are the best ever; — This Government has noted that the present offer of pay keeps miners about 25%; above the average industrial wage: [end p40]
No Government in Britain's history has ever given a better deal to the mining industry. [End of section checked against BBC Radio News Report 1800 23 May 1984.] But its advantages could only be seized by management and workforce co-operating together; as we hope they soon will.
It is sales that create jobs. It is strikes that destroy them. We want a coal industry that is prosperous for the workforce and profitable for the country. [end p41]
Also basic to the hopes and ambitions of the overwhelming majority of our people is the ownership of the family home.
It means more than ownership of bricks and mortar. It brings a sense of pride and independence, of having something to hand on to the next generation, of having roots. [end p42]
“Do-it-yourself” becomes a hobby with all the satisfaction that gives. And, as you know, I speak from personal and recent experience.
Since 1979, 1,400,000 more people have become home owners—nearly half of them former council tenants. [end p43]
It is a source of pride to us that we are the Party that seeks to spread to an ever-widening circle of people both the responsibility and independence that come from owning property.
Surely this is the way to the “One Nation” of which Disraeli spoke. [end p44]
And if that nation's hopes and ambitions are to be fulfilled, there must be confidence in the Government's stewardship of the nation's finances.
Money is a store of value, which it is the duty of the Government to defend. To devalue the currency is to devalue the work, the earnings, the savings of us all.
This Government is the first for thirty years to achieve a lower average rate of inflation than our predecessors. We are keeping faith with the people. [end p45]
A Conservative Government is careful in spending people's money because we know that every £1 we take in taxation is a £l less for people to spend as they choose.
When the leaders of the seven most powerful industrial nations come to London for the Economic Summit next month, some Governments will be searching for ways of tackling their problems of large deficits and over-spending. Not this Government. [end p46]
We have one of the lowest budget deficits in Europe. And only last month we repaid another instalment of the massive overseas debt which the Labour Government had left. [end p47]
Moreover, in spite of the recession Nigel Lawson and Geoffrey Howe, that splendid brace of chancellors, have taken off tax where it really matters. The average taxpayer is paying £165 less in income tax than he would have been if Labour were still in power. We have reformed the tax on companies so that they can expand and take on more people and we have abolished the pernicious National Insurance Surcharge—Labour's tax on jobs. [end p48]
Madam Chairman, the measure of our success is that people now: take low inflation for Granted; assume we won't overspend; know we won't overborrow; expect us to repay Labour's debts; and on top of all that look to us to reduce personal taxes as well.
Well that's quite a compliment to our financial management. Nevertheless, this Nigel LawsonChancellor is not complacent. He has to hold the ground we have won and do a lot more besides. And he will.
And last but not least, most people expect their Government to protect the weak in our community. [end p49]
We have more than protected pensions against rising prices.
We have paid special attention to the needs of the disabled.
We have increased child benefit to its highest-ever level.
And we have a record number of doctors, dentists and nurses treating a record number of patients in the National Health Service. [end p50]
That's an index of care and a pretty impressive one.
Others may have done the talking. We have got on with the job. [end p51]
Peroration
Madam Chairman, What are the virtues that should form our national character at home and abroad? What are the virtues that will safeguard the peace and the freedom that we all wish to preserve? What are the virtues that will re-create the economic prosperity and the social stability for which we all strive?
Four virtues above all: [end p52] Courage Consistency Imagination and Perseverence
We need courage at home and abroad: to make the bold and difficult decisions that our economy needs, and to act steadfastly in a troubled world.
We need consistency at home and abroad: to create the confidence upon which commerce and industry rests, and to make us a reliable negotiator and a faithful ally. [end p53]
We need imagination: to break free from the shackles of prejudice, and to open new paths of peace.
And we need perseverance. We need it at home to carry us through the times when things are difficult or unpopular; to reject what is expedient in favour of what is right. We need it abroad, to keep on negotiating even when the obstacles seem insurmountable. [end p54]
These virtues don't spring up of their own accord. They have to be cultivated.
In our schools, in our homes, in the way we organise our society, we have to cultivate that sense of personal responsibility without which these virtues cannot flourish. [end p55]
It was because Britain had cultivated that sense of responsibility that British men and women were able to rise to the challenge that faced them in times of war. It was because we had cultivated those virtues at home, that we displayed them abroad.
Courage, consistency, imagination, perseverance: are these not the ancient hallmarks of our history? [end p56]
A history founded on a vision of liberty, from our great religious heritage; tempered in resistance to aggression whether from Norseman or NAZI; Inspired by the language of Shakespeare, the ellsquouence of Churchill; expressed in our capacity to found an Empire—and then bring it to independence.
A History, a character, and a future for
This Britain—a European island, a power in the world.