Mr Chairman, fellow candidates, ladies and gentlemen,
Before the 1979 election, we had our final election meeting in the North West. That led to victory, so it seemed a very good idea to come her again [laughter and applause]. If all goes well, we'll hope to be with you again this day in about five years time [laughter].
We are, of course, coming to the day of decision and we're approaching the only opinion poll that matters, the one with a sample of 42 million voters and no margin of error. This, of course, is a landmark election and its result will reverberate through our history, and I believe that its consequences will outlive most of us here this evening because it is a historic election.
The choice of this election is crucial. It's about the very nature of the country in which our children will grow up. And it really is a very clear choice. It's a choice between a steady, sensible and resolute Government, a Conservative Government and an extreme and erratic Opposition which I believe is totally alien to the character of the British people [applause]. It's a choice between a Conservative party which is dedicated to safeguarding peace with freedom and justice and a Labour party which would weaken our defences and undermine NATO. It's a choice between a Conservative party which believes in liberty, independence and home ownership and a Labour party which openly proclaims its faith in Socialist control. At this election, we have a chance to banish forever the dark divisive clouds of extreme left-wing Socialism, and ladies and gentlemen, we must take that chance [applause].
On all those things, it's a clear decisive choice, and we are asking for a clear decisive mandate, a mandate to carry out what we believe is the will of the people. Now, in the last four years, they have indeed been difficult years, but I believe that during that time, Britain has regained her pride and her self-respect, and that is no small achievement.
I believe that we are on the road to recovery. It's not a recovery that can be brought about only by governments. It is a recovery that has to be brought about by government setting the right financial climate, the right climate of opportunity, the right tax incentives, and then people, whether they be in industry, in commerce, in agriculture, taking advantage of that recovery to build their businesses, to build their prosperity, to co-operate with their workforce. That is the kind of recovery that is now beginning to happen and it is a recovery which owes a very large amount to the British people themselves and to those who are prepared to rise to the challenge and say, “Whatever the difficulties we can overcome them.”
And it's been a partnership between this Government, not by sitting back and saying there's some soft way, some magic wand, some quick cure. We know that a quick cure is a quack cure. This Government isn't interested in expediency. This [end p1] Government is interested in long-term solutions that will bring real and genuine jobs to our young people and real prosperity to our people. And so I believe that recovery is starting.
We Conservatives believe in working with the grain of human nature, in encouraging people by incentives, not in over regulating them by too many controls. We believe in rewarding effort and success and not in stifling talent. We believe in making it easier for people to do the best for themselves and their families. Mr Chairman, we trusted the people who elected us in 1979. We had a programme which indicated that if we had more freedom, we would trust the people and we shall continue to trust the people, because that is the way we shall get recovery and greater prosperity in our land [applause].
Our guiding aims and goals are that we want real hope of new jobs and a better standard of living for all our people. We want more choice, because choice is the essence of freedom. We want more personal ownership of property, because that brings independence and responsibility. We want less state control, because freedom and initiative flourish better without too much control but within a framework of law. We want a strong Britain, a reliable ally who is a robust defender of liberty and justice. These things, ladies and gentlemen, these things have been our goals and our guiding aims in the last four years, and they will be our guiding aims in the next five years.
There were no extremes in Conservative Government in the last four years. There are no extremes in our manifesto. It is quite the best manifesto of any party, carefully worked out, moderate yet having aims which can be achieved if we bring out the best in our people. And there'll be no extremes in Conservative Government in the next five years either. We shall carry out our sound and honest policies with whatever majority you give us on Thursday, but please make it a big one [applause].
I'm often asked, “What difference would it make to our manifesto if we have a small majority or a big one?” And my reply is always the same: we've laid out our policies, our principles, our promises and our programme. That is the programme before which we go to the electorate, and it doesn't make any difference whether it's a small or a large majority. That is the programme which we shall bring into operation. But it does make a difference in two senses. The greater will be the sense of unity and agreement at home if we have a large majority, and that is important. If you feel you've got tremendous support and everyone with you, and it gives a wonderful feeling that having everyone with you, you can fully implement the policy as fast as you possibly can. And overseas, it would indicate that the greater our authority, the greater we should have the ability to act in the name of the British people as a whole overseas. The greater the majority, the greater would be our authority overseas. And that matters too, ladies and gentlemen, because Britain has a leadership role to play overseas. and that is recognised by so many of our friends and allies both in the EEC and in NATO. So give us the majority to enable us to play that role fully to their advantage and to ours [applause]. [end p2]
Now, of course, I'm often asked, “Mrs Thatcher, are you confident? Are you cautiously optimistic? Are you reasonably optimistic? Are you … Have you no doubts?” Not one single vote has yet been cast, except by those who've got postal votes, and I hope you went out and got all your postal votes in [laughter]. They can make a difference, you know, to getting that eighth seat. But, I think, ladies and gentlemen—friends—the phrase ‘cautiously optimistic’ is the right one. Optimistic, yes. Cautious, yes. Because we need every single vote, and we must not count our chickens until they are hatched—every single vote that we can possibly muster. Not staying at home because they think that somehow we are going to get in without them, not risking that. Every single vote to the polling stations to vote Conservative, either to return our candidates in all of the North West seats or in places where we can't quite make it, we want every vote, so that even in some seats which we can't get, we want to know the full strength of the Conservative support throughout the country as a whole.
But nothing is certain of course until the last vote's dropped into the ballot box. Nevertheless, I do think we have grounds for quiet confidence. I think throughout this campaign, we've won the argument [applause]. And that's because we've stuck to the issues. And I mean the real issues which matter to our children and our children's children and not just the trivia which sometimes come onto the hustings. We've stuck to the real issues, and that, I believe, is how we have steadily won the argument.
Let me just dwell on a few of those issues, issues which I would think have been paramount in this most interesting election campaign. I think first, the issue of defence has taken a very important place throughout the whole of this campaign, not only in the North West, but throughout the country. Indeed, never have I known defence play such a large part in a general election campaign. But then, there's never been such a gap between the policies of the two main parties. I believe that our people want to see their country properly and surely defended [applause]. I believe they want Britain to play her part in the defence of the West and safeguarding peace.
Indeed, I would say that, with our defence policies of strength, we are the true peace-keeping party, and we must not allow that work to be highjacked by our opponents [applause]. And the suggestion that it should be this country of all countries which should begin to undermine NATO, as is suggested by the policy of the Labour party, has awakened a sense of indignation and insecurity throughout the nation. This country has stood alone so often in the defence of liberty. People do not want us to be the first to crumble in the test of resolve, and under this Government we should not be [applause].
The Labour party, I think, hope to exploit the natural fear and dislike of nuclear weapons. We all dislike them, but if you want to get rid of them or to diminish the numbers, then the way to go about it is not to say, “We'll give up ours,” and leave them in the hands of your sworn enemies. The way to do it is to say, “Right, you keep yours, we'll keep ours. But let us at least both have the sense to take them down in numbers, so we may reduce their numbers in the world and have more safety by lower numbers whilst still keeping our security at the same time.” The true people who [end p3] really hate nuclear weapons believe in disarmament on all sides and totally and utterly reject disarmament on one side [applause].
Labour party policy on defence does, of course, go even further than abandoning our independent nuclear deterrent, which is our last resort deterrent. It also says that they would get rid of all American nuclear bases in this country. It is hardly the action of a staunch ally, because, you know, peace has been kept in Europe by the United States and Europe standing together, and that is the way it will continue to be kept in the future. Indeed, NATO's helped to keep the peace in Europe for thirty-eight years, thirty-eight years. The possession of those nuclear weapons on both sides has not only stopped nuclear war in Europe, it's stopped a conventional war as well. It has kept peace, and that is the greatest prize of all.
The irony of Labour's policies, in a way, is that NATO was created in 1948, during the lifetime of a Labour Government. You'll remember that we all had enormous hopes just after the war—well, some of you will remember, some of us will remember, some of you do [laughter]—but you know even if you don't remember, you try to learn the lessons of history. And then, all of a sudden, you know, we got the Berlin airlift and we got troubles in Europe and we realised that peace didn't just happen. You had to keep it by being prepared to defend yourselves, and that there would always be tyrants in the world and therefore you had to get together and defend collectively, and that's how NATO was born. And Labour spokesmen at that time said this. At last democracy is no longer a series of isolated units. It has become a cohesive organism, determined to fulfil its great purpose. That is how NATO was born and its great purpose to safeguard freedom, our common heritage and civilisation founded on the principles of democracy, personal liberty, and the rule of law. That is the purpose of NATO. That is what we seek to preserve. Ladies and gentlemen, there can be no greater cause, and we must never undermine it.
It seems to me that Labour cannot at one and the same time abandon NATO commitments on the nuclear front, our independent deterrent and also the NATO nuclear bases here, and then say it still maintains its support for NATO. The fact is that Labour's defence policy would create a new and a frightening instability in Europe. It would put peace at risk and it would make war more likely, and the British people know it. That I believe has been the first of the issues, and the message we get from the people is that they wish government to defend peace, not at any price, but to have a defence policy which makes us strong, because they know that other nations do not attack strong nations, they only attack the weak. We say we will keep Britain strong [applause].
So that has been one issue, and that has been one issue which I know has had a very important effect on determining how people vote and which of the parties they intend to support, because it goes right to the heart of the peace which we must never take it for granted.
Now, the second issue has been the way in which they've tackled the European problem and its effect on jobs. Indeed, Labour has also sought to stir up a narrow animosity against our partners in Europe, and I think it's for this reason. I think it is [end p4] because deep down Labour believes that Britain can't compete in her goods and services and therefore must cut herself off from Europe and impose import controls. It doesn't have much faith in the people who work in industry to say that, to say you can't compete and therefore must come out of Europe and therefore you must impose import controls. How on earth they think we would then manage to sell our exports when most of them are geared to selling to Europe, they do not say.
We know that if we were to leave Europe, the effect on British jobs could be disastrous. So many British industries have re-aligned their whole policy, all of their production programmes, to export into Europe. And the loss of those markets in Europe could mean the loss of up to two million jobs in our country. We wish to keep those jobs, and indeed, we wish to have more jobs by virtue of our exports. A massive part of our exports are geared towards the Common Market, and to come out now would be to ruin huge areas of industry. We know and you know that British membership of the Community is vital to our community, vital to our country, and vital to our children. I've put it on jobs, but I think there is another reason. We live in a very uncertain world, very uncertain, and I think we need an area of stability in Europe, an area of stability founded on democracy and liberty. That is what Europe is, and we must do nothing to undermine it and everything to strengthen it.
Third, Mr Chairman, I believe that jobs have been a tremendous issue in this campaign. Now, we know and you know that Labour's plans would destroy jobs. Let me just—they're talking about jobs, but their plans, I believe, would destroy jobs. Let me just indicate how. Destroy jobs by raising prices because they have a positive policy of inflation, by raising taxes, by raising interest rates, by nationalising successful businesses, by cutting our defence programme—very important in this part of the world, by driving foreign companies out of Britain, by giving trade union leaders more power, and all of this as well as pulling out of Europe. Ladies and gentlemen, all of those policies, which are Labour policies, would have the effect of destroying jobs. And do you know? They then say they'd even close down private employment agencies. It really is astonishing. It isn't sensible, it isn't credible, and everyone knows it. So although they are talking about wanting more jobs, their policies would lead to less jobs.
Now, let me run through quickly our strategy for jobs, because it's clear and it's credible. The way to more jobs is to regain lost customers and win new customers. It is winning business that wins jobs [applause]. Now, what can government help to business to … how can government help business to win customers? Well, there are some things we can do. We can keep down inflation. This Government has. We have the best record for any Government for fifteen years, and we're going to go on and do better. We've cut price rises to four pence in the pound and we're going on to try to get it lower. We're trying to restrain government borrowing to keep down interest rates, and it keeps down mortgage rates as well.
We're reforming the trade unions to restore a fair balance in industry. Fewer strikes, we have. A better attitude on the shop floor, and, Mr Chairman, our Employment Acts and trade union reform have been welcomed by the overwhelming majority of trade union members [applause]. And we're going on to introduce more to give the [end p5] ordinary trade union member more authority and power in the decisions of the leaders of his union. And again, I believe that is welcomed by trade unions throughout British industry.
So this Government's been helping to get more jobs by cutting inflation, getting down interest rates, by trade union reform, and again, ladies and gentlemen, by cutting taxes. It wasn't this Government that put on a National Insurance Surcharge, a tax on jobs, it was the last Labour Government that put it on and then increased it. It is this Conservative Government which has taken it off twice and is well on the way to abolishing it, and that will help [applause] that will help to keep industry's costs down.
And another thing. As I go around so many people in industry and commerce say to me. “Mrs Thatcher, one of the great burdens upon us is local authority rates.” Well, we can't just do something about the domestic ratepayer now. We have to extend to the industrial and the commercial ratepayer as well. There are about nineteen or twenty local authorities whose rate increases have been enormous, because they have spent and spent and spent, and they've been extravagant in their spending. Where we've got a Conservative council in control it has managed to cut the spending and yet by good management often still retain … still retained the same standard of service. Now, what are we going to do about it? We believe we should take action on two fronts. First, to deal with the twenty or so big over-spenders, to limit the amount which they can spend and to limit the extra which they can charge on rates. We don't believe that is enough. We're going to take a general power to limit the increases of rates that local authorities can charge, and I hope that will find favour [applause].
Now, those things are things which cut business costs and help trade union reform. Now, you need two things if you are going to succeed in business. One: the design of the product, and two: its cost. Now, we can't do the design of the product, but government can help by keeping the costs down. We also know that if we are to get more jobs, with the new technologies sometimes you can produce more without taking on any more people, and therefore the new jobs are going to come from two places. They are going to come from new businesses and new technologies, and we're right in helping both. We're trying to help small business. Many people have good ideas. They don't know where to get the finance to start, so we've offered as governments, if certain conditions are satisfied, to guarantee the loans. Ladies and gentlemen, some 10,000 small businesses—that's a lot—have now started and taken up between them loan guarantees of £300 million, offered by this Government to help them to get started and that's the source of new jobs, and it was down to a Conservative Government that we started a policy of that kind [applause].
Even that isn't enough. Do you see all our strategy for jobs? It goes on. We're trying to operate on every front. The jobs are in the new technologies. We have a people who are marvellous in research and have great inventive genius. I don't need to tell you. You've got British Aerospace not very far from here. Look at the marvellous aircraft that they make and some of the brilliant things which many of our universities do. What has so often happened is, we've done the research, we've produced the prototype, someone else has taken it up in other countries and they've built the [end p6] industries and they've got the profit. Well now, we want the industries and the profit of our inventions here, so this Government is saying … [applause]. So this Government is saying “Right, if you've got one of those latest new technology innovative products, we'll help with a grant of up to a third to bring it to the market.” And there comes a time where you need great new technologies, you need a really big piece of research to make the next breakthrough. Sometimes it's beyond the capacity of any one industry to provide the money, so we've got a new partnership going between university, government and companies to make that big new breakthrough into the next computers and the next round of technology.
That's not all. Just to make certain that we have the skills for these new technologies, we have the most exciting training programme, both for the new technologies and for training our young people in industry. 400,000 places in industry and commerce for our young people starting in September. Ladies and gentlemen, I've dealt with it at length, because I do not think people really fully yet know the extent to which this Government is determined to solve the prab … the problem of unemployment, determined to give our young people real genuine hope for the future by this, our strategy for jobs. It is the best strategy for jobs of any party in this election and I hope it will be endorsed [applause].
That has been a third campaign issue: defence, Europe, jobs. Now, let me just go on to the fourth, and then there's just, I think, one after that. The fourth one. I knew we should get a scare about the Welfare State. I was warning about it. We got it last time. I had then to turn round and argue that, no, although we were accused of dismantling the Welfare State, we wouldn't do it. We got the same scare this time. In desperation, I think, they said that we would cut pensions and we'd dismantle the health service. They're still saying it. It is absolutely ridiculous. Look at our record. The way to answer them is one the facts of our records. They can't stand facts [laughter and applause].
I must tell you that's water [laughter], natural sparkling water—British, British! They can't stand facts … [applause]. Well, so often the stuff you see comes from France, and I don't see why it should. I think we've got the best water [applause].
Now look, just let's have a quick look at pensions, you know, because really, it is our great pride, and all of the seven former members on this platform will bear me out. It really is our great pride that throughout the deepest recession since the war, we've managed to price protect the pensions, that is to increase the pensions in line with prices, and we've actually done better. The pension now will buy more than it would when Labour left office. That is the fact they can't stand, that after four years of Tory Government the pension buys more than it did when Labour last left office. So they resort to scares. There'll be an increase next November. It will be an increase on an actual increase in retail prices. We're not guessing any more. We're taking an actual amount. There'll be no claw back in what the increase that pensions have already had, even though it went beyond price increases. What they have, they will keep, and there will be a further increase in November. That is our record and it is a good one [applause]. And we repeat the pledge to price protect the pensioners, to increase the pension by at least the amount that inflation has gone up. [end p7]
Now, we then turn to their scares about the National Health Service. I've given these facts so many times that I'm sure all our candidates can almost repeat them with me, but not quite everyone yet. Just let's have a look. We faced this scare last time. The day I walked into No.10 Downing Street, we were spending £7¾ billion on the National Health Service. £7¾ billion—have you got it?—on the National Health Service the day I walked into No.10. The day I walked out to come here tonight, we were spending £15½ billion a year on the National Health Service. That's a colossal increase, way beyond prices, from 7¾ up to 15½ billion. way beyond the increase in prices. That's purchased, among other things, 56,000 more nurses and midwives in Great Britain, 7,000 more doctors and dentists, and between them they managed to treat 2 million more patients each year. And we've got 140 hospitals either being built or being designed. That's not dismantling the Health Service. It's been a policy of improving it [applause]. And to suggest we want to dismantle it in the face of that record is utterly ridiculous, even looked at from the lowest level. When we've won this election we want to win the next one, so we're not likely to do anything to damage pensions and the National Health Service. But quite beyond that, which I say is the lowest level, the fact is that our record shows that we are the caring party in practice. We don't shout about it but in fact we've delivered the goods [applause].
And the fifth issue which I think has figured very largely, particularly in some parts of the country, has been home ownership, particularly in the council estates. We shall continue our great social reform in housing. We sold half a million council houses in the lifetime of the last Parliament. We aim to do even better in the coming Parliament. Of course, we had first to pass the law, then we had to deal with recalcitrant Labour councils—and how they hate people to have the independence of owning their own home. We want them to have it. We believe that a fundamental feature of … [end of tape]. [Peroration from speaking text] [end p8]
A million more home-owners. A million more families growing up as freeholders. Owning your own home. Having something to pass on to your children. These are deep human instincts. The Labour Party would deny those instincts.
In tune with the people
We are in tune with the people. We believe that the things we want to do are the same things that families want themselves, not what political theorists and sociologists think they ought to want.
We believe we understand what trade unionists actually want, not what their leaders say they want.
We believe we understand what parents actually want for their children not what educational experts say they ought to have. We are in touch with real people and the real world. We mean to stay in touch.
What a conservative victory will mean
The effect on boost business confidence here at home. [sic] British firms will go ahead with new investment. Foreign firms will invest here [MT addition]—and many because they can send their goods into Europe without paying duty. [MT ends] It means new jobs for our people. [end p9]
The effect on overseas confidence—in NATO, in the European Community.
A Conservative government with a sound policy and a strong defence will give new heart to the Western Alliance and the free world.
The effect beyond the Iron Curtain. Mr. Andropov will be readier to negotiate in earnest when he sees that the West is not about to crumble.
And millions of oppressed people will give thanks that the beacon of freedom still shines bright, and that those who live in its light are resolved to defend it.
The effect on ourselves. In a dangerous and uncertain world we shall have chosen Strength and security. We shall have chosen freedom.
I did not promise you an easy road in 1979. I do not promise one now. But this I promise you.
We shall stay true to our principles and to our country
As Winston Churchill said,
“It is in the years of peace that wars are prevented … peace will not be preserved without the virtues that make victory possible in war”.
Virtues such as generosity, duty, selflessness, perseverence.
This is a great country. We are a great people. Together we can do great things if we rise to the challenge of our times. Renew our mandate with a clear decision and a resounding majority.