Mrs Thatcher shares feeling on Rhodesia but unity comes first

Mrs Margaret Thatcher, leader of the Opposition, said last night that she felt just as strongly over Rhodesia as her party rebels did, but collective responsibility among the party leadership had to come first.

In an exchange of letters with Mr Winston Churchill, MP for Stretford, who was dismissed early on Thursday as a spokesman on defence for defying Shadow Cabinet instructions in voting to end Rhodesia sanctions, Mrs Thatcher stated in a handwritten postscript: “I too feel strongly about events in Rhodesia—we all do.” It was a clear indication where Mrs Thatcher's heart lay on the issue.

However, her head governed the decisions. She believed it was pointless for a party pretending to be ready to govern to indulge in gestures, so the Shadow Cabinet decision was for abstention on the sanctions order.

Mr Churchill was one of 116 Conservatives who defied the party one-line whip. Seven Ulster Unionists also voted against the order. But as junior spokesman on defence, with Mr John Biggs-Davison, MP, junior spokesman on Northern Ireland, Mr Churchill knew in advance the consequences of defying team discipline.

Others, said to be fewer than five, of Mrs Thatcher's frontbench team, had to be reminded what was expected of them. Mr Biggs-Davison voted against and promptly resigned; Mr Churchill, preferring to leave it to Mrs Thatcher, waited too long. She dismissed him even before receiving his letter of resignation.

Yesterday some members of the party criticized the heavy-handedness of the party managers. But senior members of the Shadow Cabinet were adamant that to allow one frontbencher, even with such an illustrious name, an inch of defiance would have led to the crumbling of Mrs Thatcher's authority.

Senior party members express private criticism of Mr Churchill for pushing the issue to its extreme. They voiced the suspicion he had wanted to appear as a martyr.

In contrast, Mr Biggs-Davison was thanked by Mrs Thatcher for telling her in advance of his vote that he was resigning: “Your letter shows that you appreciate the importance of collective responsibility in Shadow Cabinet decision” , she wrote.

The following are the texts of Mr Winston Churchill 's letters to Mrs Margaret Thatcher and her replies:

November 1, 1978

Dear Margaret,—The last thing I wish is to burden you with any more problems at the present. However, as I think you are already aware, I believe most strongly that we have an obligation of honour to the peoples of Rhodesia—black and white alike—that requires us to lift sanctions and back the internal settlement. Furthermore I am convinced that this is the only hope of preventing the vital mineral wealth of Rhodesia and ultimately, of South Africa, falling under Soviet control.

I can understand a Marxist-influenced socialist government continuing the sanctions policy, but not the Tory Party. While a British Government is leading the pack in holding down the peoples of Rhodesia so that the surrogates of the Soviets may more speedily slit their throats—unquestionably the most ignominious act of any British government this century—I cannot in all honesty pretend that I do not know which way to vote.

I trust you will understand that, feeling as I do, I cannot do other than to vote against next week's order for the renewal of sanctions.

Yours ever, Winston.

November 6, 1978

Winston Churchill, junior Dear Winston, Thank you very much indeed for your letter on sanctions against Rhodesia.

I fully understand the strongly held, and conflicting views, in the parliamentary party on this question. In the debate Francis Pym will be spelling out the reasons why the Shadow Cabinet have decided not to vote against the sanctions Order as well as our approach to the whole Rhodesia problem. I very much hope you will feel happier when you have heard Francis and that you will be prepared to abstain after all. I am not asking anyone to vote in support of sanctions.

Yours ever, Margaret.

November 9, 1978

Dear Margaret,—Thank you for your letter of yesterday in reply to mine of November 1. Before casting my vote against the Rhodesian Sanctions Order tonight I weighed very carefully your request and listened closely to the points made by Francis Pym. I am bound to say that all the arguments advanced were arguments in favour of the maintenance of sanctions for the time being, even against a multi-racial Rhodesian Government committed to majority rule. No argument was advanced to justify abstention and I know of none.

As you know, I believe strongly in Britain's responsibility for the future of the peoples of Rhodesia, black and white alike, in our moral obligation as a democracy to support the solution of the ballot box against the bullet, and in the debt of honour we owe to the countless thousands of Rhodesians who came to fight for Britain in her hour of peril.

I regard it as the most heinous and despicable act of any British government this century to seek to hold down the peoples of Rhodesia with economic sanctions and the denial of even defensive weapons, thereby making it easier for the surrogates of the Soviet Union to overrun the country by force of arms. Feeling as I do, I could not do other than vote against the sanctions order.

I am deeply appreciative of the trust you placed in me when you appointed me No 2 at defence for our party. I have regarded it as a privilege to have the honour to fight for the interests of the Armed Forces and to have the opportunity of seeing at first hand the Army, the Royal Navy and the RAF in almost all their roles and postings.

In the course of these two years I have learnt the full gravity of the threat that now confronts our people for the first time for a generation and the nature of the serious and urgent action required to be taken to repair our nation's run-down defences if a catastrophe of unthinkable proportions—including war and military defeat—is to be avoided. I know how seriously you yourself view the situation and I firmly believe that your resolve to take whatever action may be necessary to safeguard peace and freedom will command the support of the nation as a whole.

You may always rely on my unswerving loyalty to you in your personal capacity as leader of our party and especially in your commitment to the rearmament of Britain. If, though we are not in government and though tonight's issue was judged to be worthy of no more than a one-line whip and abstention, you feel that my action is incompatible with my remaining part of your front-bench team, then naturally I place my resignation in your trands.

With every good wish I remain,

Yours ever, Winston.

November 9, 1978

My dear Winston, Humphrey AtkinsHumphrey saw you several times yesterday on my behalf and we spoke briefly on the front bench just before the vote took place.

I am very sorry that you felt it necessary to take a different course from the Shadow Cabinet and other frontbench spokesmen. For reasons we all recognize, the decision was a difficult one but clear. It isn't when times are easy that we need support, but when times are difficult. That's what a team is for.

You felt strongly about this matter—and voted accordingly. That is your right and will always be respected. But the front bench has to act on the principle of collective responsibility. That too is important if we are to have strength and influence in the world when we are in government. May I thank you for the magnificent job you have done at defence. That I know is the work you always wanted to do and where you have been so very good.

For me, the decision I have had to make brings great personal sadness, as I know it will for Minnie ChurchillMinnie and for your mother. We both have to remember that we fight for the same objectives and that within a year we hope to have the authority to put this into effect. In that battle I know we shall be fighting together.

Yours ever, Margaret

PS

Since writing this letter, your own has reached me. I too feel strongly about events in Rhodesia—we all do.