My Lord Chairman, Parliamentary Colleagues, Ladies and Gentlemen, I would like to thank you for inviting us all to have this splendid Conservative Rally in this magnificent place. It is an experience we will not forget. This is only my second pilgrimage to Blenheim. I came first time as a student from a nearby university. There is rather a good one just down the road. I came to admire its architecture and its landscape. I came to pay homage to great and famous men who are like mountain peaks on the plains of history. And I came to share in something that was Britain, a truly proud nation with then great confidence in its future. And today we gather together here to renew confidence in our people, and to express our faith in our future. We have five constituencies represented here. We have four Conservative members and one to come, and it is our job to see that we win that seat.
One of our other great Tories, Edmund Burke, said that people will not look forward to posterity who never look back to their ancestors, and it is very appropriate that here we should start by looking back to our ancestors. But you know, a thousand years is not long enough to measure the antiquity of Woodstock. And as Winston ChurchillWinston wrote as a young man “Blenheim is heir to all the memories of Woodstock. Here kings—Saxon, Norman, Plantagenet—have held their courts and they loom in vague majesty out of the past.” And it was here that was created the monument to John, Duke of Malborough, and his soldiers, of whom their enemies stood in such awe that the standard command in any order of battle [end p1] against them and their allies was—the best troops should be placed opposite the English.
It was here that Winston Churchill was born, a man of destiny whose courage and inspiration are immortal. It was here that the shades of those who marched with Marlborough and who served with Churchill, gathered to remind us—and I use the words of one of Marlborough's officers after the battle of Blenheim—without vanity— “I think we did our part” . But Blenheim is not a memorial for one man alone. It is the tribute of a nation to what Winston described as weary, faithful soldiers who by their sacrifice and devotion made Britain the foremost power in Europe, and subsequently the world. Their names may now be forgotten. But this is their memorial too.
We have got three of us MPs here—Airey Neave, Neil Marten and I who are proud that we served in the same parliament 1959—64 with Winston ChurchillWinston. Douglas HurdDouglas and Michael Heseltine are younger. That dates me and Airey, but never mind, it was worth it because we very much enjoyed being in the same Parliament with Winston because for us he is the link between the greatness of the past and the hopes of the present, the link between the lustre of a leader and the loyalty he inspired in his followers, the link between the institutions of a nation—and my goodness he upheld these institutions—and the character of a people he loved. Never character of the people, never class of the people, but the people, the whole people. And the first time I ever heard Winston speak he made the point himself. It wasn't here, it was in 1946, the first Conservative Party Conference after the War. [end p2]
And in his closing statement of his speech he said this: “Finally we declare ourselves the unsleeping opponents of all class, all official or Party privilege, for it denies the genius of our island race whose sparks fly upwards unceasingly from the whole people” . We are a free and varied society. We come in all shapes and sizes with all tastes and talents. But whether we come from castle or cottage, whether we work in self-employment, in free enterprise firms, in the public service or in nationalised industries, whether in Glasgow, Oxford, Manchester, Newcastle, Exeter, Cardiff, Belfast or London—and my apologies for whatever I have left out—we are all members of one nation, and that as Conservatives is the core of our patriotism.
But, my Lord Chairman, just as the builders of long ago fashioned this monument of Blenheim, so our ancestors also built for us the institutions and customs and provisions which constitute the British way of life, and that is the British monument to the world. And it must be conserved as Blenheim must be conserved. And just as rot or pests can attack buildings—and I'm sure you know all about that—pests can undermine foundations on which our constitutional pillars rest. And what are those pillars, the pillars of our heritage? They are first those principles of right and wrong which are far deeper than politics and upon which are founded our moral commitment to one another. The second are parliamentary institutions. The Queen in Parliament. This institution is there not to act as a facade of democracy, but as a true forum [end p3] of the nation to which the Government is, or should be accountable. There used to be an extra principle added to those; it was one called Collective Responsibility of Cabinets. These days that's been replaced by the Beg-to-Differ doctrine. In bygone days that would have involved resignation, but no one ever resigns from a Labour Cabinet these days. The only man of principle was Reg Prentice; the rest sit tight like squatters. And the third of the pillars—the Rule of Law, a just law impartially administered by independent judges. And the fourth a truly free press. And the press would not long remain free if it became controlled by one union only. That is not the structure of liberty, but a curtain for unchecked power. And the fifth, defence forces sufficient at all times to deter aggressors. A nation which does not value its liberties enough to defend them will soon cease to have any liberties to defend. And the sixth, financial policies which enable us to live within our means, and which once opened up fame and influence throughout the world. Today ironically enough, we are thankful that our financial affairs are not wholly in the hands of our own Government, but those of the IMF, otherwise things would be even worse. And the seventh pillar government is to serve the individual and his family, and not to dominate them. The liberty of the subject is more precious than the dictate of the State. [end p4] Section released to the press begins
We, the British people, have always been renowned for our common sense and for an instinctive feeling for what is fair.
Tolerant, slow to anger, reluctant to put forth our maximum efforts until the very last moment when disaster threatens—yes, all these things.
But there are limits. And the limits have been reached. The people have called “Time” . [end p5]
Many people in this country have begun to feel that the world has gone mad around them. The things that are happening seem to fly in the face of common sense.
Whether you are canvassing, doing a walkabout, or just talking to people you meet, you can start a political discussion on almost any subject under the sun with the words ‘You know it doesn't make sense that … .’ [end p6]
Sensible people know it doesn't make sense for a Government to go on overspending, over-borrowing, mortgaging our children's future.([Note by MT] In Feb 74—in debt per family £130. By June 77 £600.) An individual can't go on that way for long, or a family. The tradesmen and the banks won't stand for it. And in the end a Government comes up against the same sanctions. Even North Sea Oil, tribute to free enterprise that it is, won't solve all our problems. [end p7]
They know it doesn't make sense that in certain circumstances it is more profitable for a man to be out of work than in a job—when our level of industrial output is lower than during the period of the three-day week, and we need all the production we can get. ([Note by MT] Indictment of Socialism that output not risen in the three years.)
Any more than it makes sense, when more and more people want to own their own homes, to build council houses at three times the cost to the taxpayer of helping home buyers—while bulldozing, or keeping empty, houses that could cheaply be made comfortably habitable. [end p8]
They know it doesn't make sense, when more and more parents and employers are worried about the standards of learning and discipline in many schools, that the only thing the Labour Government has actually done about education is to insist on driving out of the maintained sector some of the best schools we have.
Of course in the end some of the messages get home even to a Socialist Government. They begin to talk about profits, and incentives, and the burdens of direct taxation. [Note by MT] And so they should, because whereas I.T. per family 73–74 £389 p.a. 77–78 £920.) They don't do very much about it—indeed we have just had the Penny budget. This Government having put 5p on income tax expects to be congratulated for taking 1p off. [end p9]
[Manuscript addition by MT] But that isn't enough to keep pace with Socialist levels of inflation. And it was ironic that the Denis HealeyChancellor chose to make his statement the same day that inflation was reported to be higher (17.7%;) than for the last 14 months. [Typescript resumes]
They have even taken over—as proposals for consideration—some of the Conservative housing policies set forth in ‘The Right Approach’.
They won't do anything along these lines, of course. Because the dominant Left Wing of the Labour Party won't let them.
Any more than it will let them make more than token gestures towards dealing with the surge of popular alarm about crime and public disorder. That would mean actually coming out in support of the police and doing something to meet policemen's grievances. Better, like Brer Rabbit, to ‘lay low and say nothin’. [end p10]
None of this makes sense to the British people. But gradually the conviction has been getting home to them that a return to common sense is possible—and that the Conservative Party is the party of common sense. In truth, as always when we were most needed, it is the people's party.
It was made clear at Workington, at Walsall North, at Stechford, among the miners at Ashfield.
The tide is flowing strongly, and nothing can withstand it. [end p11]
A dozen panic-stricken Liberals can't preserve this dispirited and discredited Government indefinitely. [Manuscript addition by MT] And when this govt. does go—we shall pack them off lock, stock and Liberal. [Typescript resumes]
And then … . well, of course I'm not going to say that we can produce instant relief and instant prosperity. The country is in a mess, and no Government can clear it up solely by its own efforts.
No nation can go on consuming more than it produces or paying itself more than it earns. The trouble is that this Government has been so bewitched by its Incomes Policy that if forgot about having an Output Policy. And it is only more output that will make us more prosperous. [end p12]
But we will, at once, set about creating the conditions in which it will pay people to work, to produce, to create the wealth on which all else depends. Let the enterprising make their contribution. People want to do something for themselves but at the end of the day they've got to have something left for themselves. As one correspondent wrote to me this week “Make it worthwhile to work hard” .
And we shall, as quickly as possible, get rid of the restraints, the frustrations, the restrictions that are now beginning to infuriate the British people. Everywhere I go I hear the cry, Less government. [end p13]
So the next Government, our Government, will come into office pledged to do these things:
To cut income tax, so that it really pays to earn.
To remove the barriers that prevent small and medium sized businesses from making profits, expanding, and creating jobs.
To bring back order and common sense into our confused and wasteful housing situation. [end p14]
To do everything possible, not only to preserve good schools, but to raise standards in all schools and so give children a better start and so equip them for the business of life.
To restore the morale of the police, by reinforcing their numbers and improving their pay and conditions of service.
To see that Britain is properly defended and honours her obligations to her allies. [Manuscript addition by MT] It's not enough to have NATO summits here, to put our signatures to communiques—we have to pay our full subscription to the club. [Typescript resumes] [end p15] Beginning of section checked against BBC Radio News Report 1800 16 July 1977
Let's not be under any illusions. It's going to take time. It's going to take more than one Parliament to eradicate completely the stultifying economic and social effects of three years of Socialism. And, sometimes, when I hear the James CallaghanPrime Minister say, as he does sometimes, ‘Oh, our problems are very deep-seated’, I think, my goodness, of the last thirteen years socialism's been in power for nine and that's the cause of a lot of our troubles.
Because they haven't thought of governing or ruling in accordance with the instinct and with the personality and the wishes of the people. They have thought of ruling by imposing something upon us that we do not want.
[End of section checked against BBC Radio News Report 1800 16 July 1977. The next sentence in the speaking text was probably omitted on delivery]. To put right the fundamental distortions of our economy and restore an equilibrium between public and private endeavour. [end p16]
Like Blenheim, great and noble things rarely come easily.
They have to be striven for with all one's strength. There must be passion or they will not start. There must be energy or they will not grow. There must be faith or they cannot prosper. There must be dedication or they will not endure. [end p17]
A new and more confident country is waiting to cut loose the shackles of Socialism. This is a time of hope for Britain. But a hope that must be based on strength, and confidence in ourselves. It must be rooted in reality, not on some woolly Socialist El Dorado always just round the corner, never on the street where we live. [End of section released to the press].
Economic growth is not a birthright. It is something to be worked for. [end p18]
John Duke of Marlborough, and Winston Churchill fought and won the battles of yesterday. They did not fail us. When our battle comes, and whenever it is we shall be ready, let us likewise not fail our children, the nation's future. Let us do all of those things which, when the day is won, will enable us in our turn to say without vanity, “I think we did our part.”