The Conservative Party has always been the Party for the whole nation.
That is why for 16 months we have urged this Government to act, and to act decisively, to fight inflation.
At long last, Mr. Healey has announced that he will do something. We welcome that fact.
But why, oh why, has he had to wait so long! If he had acted at once when inflation was only 12 per cent a year, how much easier it would have been to have done even better than the 10 per cent target he has now announced.
That's after all what's happened in the rest of Europe. That's what our competitors have done—Socialist and Conservative governments alike.
That's, after all, what we asked him to do, and he has dithered for 16 precious months. [end p1]
Now it is the people of Britain who must pay the price.
It's going to be much tougher to pull inflation back from 25 per cent to 10 per cent than if we had faced the issue when most of us knew we had to.
But now the Government has taken the plunge.
We are not sure of any of the details. We are still disentangling the various statements and telephone calls.
We are still hoping for the complete package of measures which alone will meet our needs.
So far there is no word about Government expenditure.
It is no good suggesting that the nationalisation proposals, which are at this very moment being forced through Parliament, can be had for nothing.
They are expensive because they cost hundreds of millions of pounds, and because they will employ thousands more bureaucrats.
Some of the proposals will cost money now—immediately the Bills are passed. Others will mean that next year, and the year after, enormous sums will be needed for projects the people do not want.
Are we seriously to accept that the people of Britain should cut their living standards in 1975 just to pay for nationalisation in 1976?
Government spending must be cut, not only the immediate projects which we cannot afford, but also the longer term programmes which will only fuel inflation however successful the Government's long looked-for package may be. [end p2]
Really, in these days, ought there not to be a partnership in industry, so that you get equality of responsibility, because responsibility itself is not divisible—the whole nation must accept the burden of beating inflation. But it looks as if this Government's going to put the employers in to face the big guns, while it, the Government, crouches safely in a bunker. [end p3]
We do know that the Government intend to do something about wages. Quite what seems to be a matter of contention—not least inside the Labour Party.
We do, however, understand that it will be employers who will be penalised if they give pay rises of more than the Government says.
Employees will have no responsibility whatever action they have taken—even if they use strikes to win their case by force. Beginning of section checked against BBC Radio News Report
Really, in these days, ought there not to be a partnership in industry, so that you get equality of responsibility, because responsibility itself is not divisible—the whole nation must accept the burden of beating inflation. But it looks as if this Government's going to put the employers in to face the big guns, while it, the Government, crouches safely in a bunker. End of section checked against BBC Radio News Report.
Or perhaps we are wrong!
Perhaps Mr. Healey 's statement marks a total U-turn.
Perhaps Harold Wilson has given up leading from behind, and is actually going to stand resolute against those who would destroy this attempt to beat inflation.
I hope that this will be true.
So far we have looked in vain for resolution, determination or even realism.
What is Mr. Wilson going to do if a trades union in a nationalised industry says: “No, we won't settle for what you say. We want what we say, and we will strike to get it” ? Are those who run the nationalised industries assured that the Government will back them? Or will they be punished like private businessmen, and private companies? [end p4]
That fact is that the only thing which will convince people that the Government means business is if Harold Wilson says clearly that he is totally committed. And then he must actually keep his word.
He must accept the responsibilities of his policy, even if it means antagonising the extremists.
That firmness of purpose will surely be needed if we are to beat their challenge.
It is a challenge which no policy for dealing with inflation can avoid whether or not it is backed by statute.
For years the Prime Minister has tried to confuse the nation with his use of the word ‘confrontation’. He has pretended that there never is a time when it is right and necessary for a Government to stand firm.
There are some things for which a Government must stand firm.
It must stand firm in the defence of the weak against the strong.
It must stand firm to protect the needs of the commonsense majority against the demands of the extremist few.
That is why the nation will have to ask the Prime Minister directly—What will he do?. Will he run away again, or will he, in the final count, stand firm?
The Conservative Party wants to support a programme for fighting inflation in the interests of all our people.
When the Government spells out its proposals in the White Paper, they must be tough enough to give confidence to the commonsense majority at home, and confidence to our friends abroad, that Britain is on the way back again.
That policy cannot be a matter of half measures. [end p5]
We have left it too late for any but the firmest action. Beginning of section checked against ITN lunchtime news
We need to know what the Government is really going to do about runaway state spending.
We need to know what the Government is really going to do about wages.
We need to know what the Government is really going to do to get the support of the whole nation.
If the White Paper tells us that; if it produces a total package, capable of dealing with inflation, then the nation will support the Government—however belated their conversion. End of section checked against ITN lunchtime news.
If, however, it is another fudge, another attempt to avoid the problems, another mechanism to put off dealing with the real issue, then we must be resolute enough to refuse more delay, and to demand action, and action now.
Half measures will not do.
Confidence at home and abroad cannot be restored by words and well-sounding statements.
Harold Wilson must produce a package which will work, and he must commit himself, and his Government, to making it work.
If he cannot do this, then he can do nothing to solve the crisis.
If he cannot do this, he must make way for those who can.